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JAMES II 




MAIN 



OF JAMES II 

His Campaigns as Duke of York: 
1652-1660 

Translated by A. Lytton Sells from the Bouillon 
manuscript, edited and collated with the' Clarke 
edition. With an introduction by Sir Arthur 
Bryant. 

One of the most important literary-historical 
finds of the twentieth century, this authentic 
version of the long-missing memoirs of King 
James II of England was discovered accidentally 
in 1954 in a chateau in southern France. Since 
1696, when King James personally presented 
the manuscript to the Cardinal de Bouillon, 
nephew of the Marshal of Turenne, it had 
been in the possession of the Turenne family, 
escaping the notice of scholars and historians. 

There is no other example of such a royal 
manuscript in any country or language. Al 
though fragments of the memoirs have survived 
in a number of versions some of them of a 
questionable authenticity the only other com 
plete and accurate copies were destroyed at the 
time of the French Revolution. The present 
volume, therefore, makes available for the first 
time highly important and hitherto unpublished 
material on the Stuart period, particularly some 
accounts of the negotiations for the restoration 
of Charles II to the throne of England. 

In Marlborough: His Life and Times Winston 
Churchill points out that historians have had to 
rely exclusively upon the partisan writings of 
the Jacobites at St. Germain for their accounts 
of the English Revolution, and not on King 
James's Memoirs written at the time 5 which 
priceless document he feared had been 'lost for 
ever.' 

Continued on the back flap) $6.95 




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James II King of Great Britain 
The jaeioDirs of James II 



AMI 




THE MEMOIRS OF JAMES II 
1652-1660 




Reproduced by gracious permission of Her Majesty The Quern 

THE DUKE OF YORK AS A SOLDIER 



The Memoirs of 

JAMES II 

His CAMPAIGNS AS DUKE OF YORK 

16521660 



Translated by 

A. LYTTON SELLS 

from the 'Bouillon ^Manuscript 

Sdited and collated with the Qlarke edition 

With an Introduction by 
Sir Arthur Bryant 




1962 

INDIANA UNIVERSITY PRESS 
BLOOMINGTON 



Campagnes Tirees mot pour mot des memoires dt 
Jacques Stuart Pour Lors Due d'Torck, et depuis Roy 
d'Anghterre Jacques Second: depuis 1652 inelusive- 
1660 



1962 by Indiana University 
Introduction by SirArthur Bryant, 1962 

Preface by Percy Muir and David Randall 
1962 

Library of Congress Catalog Card Number: 62-8916 
Printed in Great Britain 



CONTENTS 

Introduction, King James II by Sir Arthur Bryant -page I 

Preface by Percy Muir and David Randall 1 3 

Translator's Introduction by A. Lytton Sells 2 5 

THE MILITARY MEMOIRSOFTHEDUKEOFYORK 

The Campaigns of James Stuart 5 1 

Preface by the Cardinal de Bouillon, 1715 52 

Certificate from the Administrators of the Scottish College 

in Paris, 1734 54 

Memoirs of the Duke of York: 

Book I Of the Civil Wars in France 

1652 57 

1 653 The Duke of York's Second Campaign under 

M. de Turenne 128 

Book II Of the Wars in Flanders 

1 654 The Duke of York's Third Campaign 

in France 156 

1655 The Duke's Fourth and Last Campaign 

in France 200 

1656 218 

1 657 The Duke's Fifth Campaign, and the First 

He Served in the Spanish Army 226 

1658 248 

1659 281 

1660 290 

Index 293 



BE! CUD.) PUBLIC LIBRM 



ILLUSTRATIONS 

PLATES 
Frontispiece The Duke of York as a soldier 

1 Title page of the Bouillon Manuscript facing page 88 

2 Preface by the Cardinal de Bouillon 89 

3 Certificate from the Administrators of the Scottish 
College 120 

4 Vicomte de Turenne 1 2 1 

5 Vicomte de Turenne, aged ten, at Sedan 1 84 

6 Louis de Bourbon, Prince de Conde 185 

7 Vicomte de Schomberg 216 

8 The Duke and Duchess of York and the Princesses 

Mary and Anne 217 

FIGURES 

1. Map of the Battle of Porte St. Antoine, July i, 1652 87 

2 . Raising of the Siege of Arras, August 25,1654 176 

3. The Siege of Valenciennes, July 16, 1656 220 

4. The Battle of the Dunes, June 14, 1658 261 

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS 

The frontispiece is taken from a portrait by an unknown artist of James II when 
Duke of York which was almost certainly painted in Flanders in the late 16505. It 
is in the royal collection and is reproduced by gracious permission of Her Majesty 
the Queen. Plates i, 2 and 3 are from the Bouillon Manuscript of the Memoirs in 
the Lilly Library, Indiana University. Plates 4 and 5 are from A. M. Ramsay's 
Histoire du Ficomte de Turenne (Paris, 1735). Plate 6 is from an engraving in the 
British Museum and is reproduced by permission of the Trustees. Plate 7 is from 
a painting by Wissing and is reproduced by kind permission of Earl Spencer. Plate 
8 is from a painting by Lely in the royal collection and is reproduced by gracious 
permission of Her Majesty the Queen. 

Figures i, 2, 3 and 4 are from Ramsay's Histoire du Ficomtc de Turenne (Paris, 

1735)* 



INTRODUCTION 

By 

SIR ARTHUR BRYANT 

JAMES the Second of England and the Seventh of Scotland 
was neither a great man nor a great king. But he was a prince 
of firm integrity, strong religious faith, a loyal master and 
friend perhaps,, in the light of his own interests, too loyal a friend 
and, within the limits imposed by his royal birth and calling, a fine 
administrator, especially in naval and military matters in which 
from his earliest years he had had much experience. With the help 
of his lieutenant, Samuel Pepys, he did more personally for the 
Royal Navy than any other English Sovereign, past or future. 
And that was no small service to his country, even if it was his 
only one. With his ancestor, Edward III, he shared, too, the 
unique privilege for a King of England of commanding her Fleet 
in action. He not only took part, like King George VI and the 
Duke of Edinburgh, in one of the major battles of British sea 
history, but he directed it victoriously as Commander-in-Chief. 
Not only did he command Britain's Fleet in action and preside 
over her Admiralty for many years. At one time, as a very young 
man, he temporarily commanded the French army in the field 
while acting as deputy for the great Turenne. Later, though also 
for a very brief period and as a deputy, he commanded the Spanish 
army in the Netherlands. Many years afterwards, when King of 
England, he commanded the English Army in the abortive and, 
for him, disastrous campaign of 1688. He also commanded the 
Irish Army before the battle of the Boyne. This must surely be a 
record of command, however checkered, for any Sovereign. James, 
too, was the last Roman Catholic to reign in England. And he has 
yet another claim to fame : that the greatest city of the modern 
world, New York, was re-christened after him and bears his name. 

James was born on October i4th, 1633, s ^ x months after the 
Fleet Street tailor's son, Samuel Pepys, who was one day to help 



INTRODUCTION 

him establish England's Navy on a new model. Unlike his elder 
brother,, Charles, who was dark and took after his Medici mater 
nal forbears, James was fairish with a long lantern jaw and a rather 
stolid, phlegmatic temperament, inherited possibly from his 
father's mother, who was a Danish princess. The second son of 
Charles I by his French Queen, Henrietta Maria, his birth was 
proclaimed by the heralds with the usual pomp appertaining to a 
1 7th century Prince of the Blood : 

Almighty God of his infinite grace and goodness preserve and blesse with 
long life in health, honor and all happiness the most high, mighty and 
excellent Prince James Duke of York, second sonne to the most high, most 
mighty and most excellent Prince Charles, by the grace of God King of 
England, Scotland, France and Ireland, Defender of the Faith. 

He was christened by Archbishop Laud the arch-champion of 
the Anglican Church of which his father was Head -and his god 
parents were two of the leading figures of contemporary European 
Protestantism: his aunt, the exiled Queen of Bohemia the one 
time 'Queen of Hearts', in honour of whose wedding festivities 
Shakespeare's Tempest had been played seventeen years before - 
and the Prince of Orange, grandson of the man who had defied 
the might of Spain and the Counter-Reformation during the 
reign of Elizabeth and whose grandson, half a century later, was 
to invade James's kingdom and assume his vacant throne as the 
saviour of English Protestantism. 

James's earliest years were spent in the atmosphere of a bril 
liant royal Court, mainly at the palaces of Hampton Court, Rich 
mond and Greenwich. At the age of five, according to the 
customary protocol of his age, he was appointed Lord-Admiral of 
England. Three years later, while he was still only a child, the 
stately and ceremonious world in which his earliest impressions 
were formed crumbled around him, as the pent-up anger of his 
father's Puritan and libertarian subjects boiled over against the 
authoritarianism of his Government and Laud's high-handed 
episcopal church discipline. The boy heard the London mob 
howling for Stafford's blood, listened with horror to the reports 
that daily reached Whitehall of the doings of 'the mighty terrible 
Parliament' that was seeking to wrest power from the Crown and 



INTRODUCTION 

substitute the rule of contumacious lords, country squires and 
lawyers, and learnt with tears of his father's surrender and be 
trayal of his faithful servant -an act which he ever afterwards 
regarded as a fatal parental weakness. Soon afterwards, in the 
depth of winter, he was forced to fly from London with his 
parents to Hampton Court. A few months later, after various 
vicissitudes, he joined his father at York where he was, rather for 
lornly, invested with the Garter. He was an eyewitness that sum 
mer of the defiance of the Governor of Hull to the royal summons 
another consequence, he always afterwards believed, of a lack of 
resolution in the monarchical councils -and was present when the 
Royal Standard was raised at Nottingham against the Parlia 
mentary leaders who, with the support of the Puritan faction in 
the country, were now openly defying the Crown. 

A week after his ninth birthday, James experienced his first 
battle. Together with his elder brother Charles, throughout a long 
October day, he watched his father fighting for his throne against 
Lord Essex's army in the Warwickshire meadows below Edge- 
hill. According to Aubrey, whose evidence is uncorroborated, the 
two princes were in the charge of one of the royal physicians, the 
famous William Harvey -discoverer of the circulation of the 
blood -who, also according to Aubrey, spent most of the day 
under a hedge reading a book and oblivious of his charges. For 
the next three years James lived in an armed city the Oxford of 
Prince Rupert and the Cavaliers, given over, in G. M. Trevelyan's 
words, 'to the use of a Court whose days of royalty were num 
bered, its walks and quadrangles filled, as the end came near, with 
men and women learning to accept sorrow as their lot through 
life, the ambitious abandoning hope of power, the wealthy harden 
ing themselves to embrace poverty, those who loved England pre 
paring to sail for foreign shores and lovers to be parted for ever'. 
It was James's fate, as a boy, to endure that agony to the end, for 
he remained at Oxford until its hopeless surrender and long after 
his mother, his father and his elder brother had all left the doomed 

city. 

After the King's defeat at Naseby and the fall of Oxford the 
young Duke's lot was a very sad one. For the next two years he 
was a prisoner, with his younger brother, Henry, and his little 
sister, Elizabeth, in the old palace of St. James's. Here he waited 



INTRODUCTION 

while his captors, the Puritan army of Fairfax and Cromwell and 
the Presbyterian Parliament at Westminster, quarrelled with one 
another for the control of the kingdom they had wrested from his 
father. His mother was in exile in France, the King a prisoner, 
first at Hampton Court and later at Carisbrooke in the Isle of 
Wight. But in the spring of 1648, on the eve of the second Civil 
War, James, in obedience to a secret message from his father, suc 
ceeded in escaping to Holland. With the help of a Royalist 
colonel, his sister's maid, and a barber, the fourteen-year-old lad 
slipped out of the palace through a garden door into St. James's 
Park, disguised himself in cloak and perriwig and took a coach to 
one of the lanes leading to the river where a waiting wherry bore 
him to a secret rendezvous near London Bridge. Here he changed 
into girl's clothes and took passage on a barge to Gravesend where 
a ship was about to sail for Holland. But going down the Thames 
the master of the barge, who knew nothing of his passenger's 
identity, surprised him tying up his garter 'in so unwomanish a 
manner" that his suspicions were aroused. James was only able 
to continue his journey by instantaneously making a clean breast 
of the matter. Fortunately the barge-owner was loyalist enough to 
be prepared to risk his neck for the young prince, and James 
reached Gravesend in safety. Hence he sailed at daybreak for 
Holland and, after escaping shipwreck on the Middleburgh sand 
banks and capture by a Parliamentary frigate, landed on the conti 
nent. He was to remain on it, an exile, for the next twelve years. 

After nine months at the Hague at the Court of his eldest 
sister, Mary, who was married to Prince William of Orange, the 
young Duke joined his mother at Paris where she was living in 
straitened circumstances in the Louvre. Her sister-in-law, the 
French Queen Regent, and her nephew, the boy king, Louis XIV, 
has just been driven from the capital by rebellious nobles and the 
Paris mob, and it looked at that moment as though the French 
Crown was going to go the way of the English. A few days after 
James's arrival at the Louvre, the dreadful news arrived of King 
Charles's death on the scaffold at Whitehall. To the young prince 
and his family and to the English and Scottish exiles who sur 
rounded them it seemed as if the very foundations of the earth had 
been shaken. 'This sad and execrable murder of our blessed 
master', wrote one of them, 'hath so disordered me that I shall 



INTRODUCTION 

hardly ever recover true quiet of mind. My soul abhors the 
thought of it of which no age ever heard the like. Yet, through all 
distractions, I must force myself to action when it may conduce 
to avenge the blood of that royal and glorious martyr upon those 
base inhuman murderers.' 

Such was the school of adversity, exile and longing for revenge 
in which James grew to manhood. It was to prove, for the next 
decade, a school also of chronic poverty. 'Nothing/ the young 
Duke wrote on the first page of these memoirs, 'was so rare as 
money/ The leading figure among the exiles who formed the 
shadow court of Charles II in Paris, Edward Hyde, his Chan 
cellor, confessed that his young master owed for all he had eaten 
for months : 

I am not acquainted with one servant of his who hath a pistole in his 
pocket. Five or six of us eat together one meal a day for a pistole a week but 
all of us owe for God knows how many weeks to the poor woman that feeds 
us I do not now know that any man is yet dead for want of bread, which 
really I wonder at. 

For James there was only one resort: to earn his living by his 
sword. After a short interlude in Jersey, the last dominion to 
remain loyal to the fallen Crown of England, and a further visit to 
Holland to see his widowed sister's new-born child the infant 
William of Orange who one day was to supplant him on the 
Throne the Duke at the age of eighteen took service in the 
French royal army. For the next four years he kept himself as a 
soldier of fortune. They were the most formative years of his life 
and, in some ways, the happiest. 

This was the period covered by the main and most detailed part 
of the memoirs printed in this volume. James had the good for 
tune to be apprenticed to one of the great captains of all time, and 
one of the noblest of men, the great Henri, Vicomte de Turenne, 
Marshal of France, who commanded the royal armies in the Civil 
Wars of the Fronde against the brilliant rebel soldier, the Prince 
of Conde, and the Spanish invaders of his divided country. The 
two men the forty-one year old Marshal and the young volunteer 
whose father had perished on the scaffold became firm friends, 
and to his dying day, as the Cardinal de Bouillon's preface to the 



INTRODUCTION 

manuscript shows, James held the memory of Turenne in affec 
tionate honour. 

It was a regard and affection which Turenne fully reciprocated. 
For James proved an excellent lieutenant -brave, enduring, eager 
to learn and amenable to discipline. Phlegmatic, except when his 
deepest emotions were aroused, with a passion for order and 
routine, yet bold and, within his unimaginative limits, resourceful, 
James had many of the basic qualities of the good soldier. With 
all his faults, the code of honour he learnt in the profession of 
arms was to give dignity to his character and invest with a touch 
of nobility the many humiliations and vicissitudes of his checkered 
life. 

James's experiences during the wars of the Fronde and the 
campaigns in northern France against the invading Spanish 
armies were not dissimilar to those of thousands of young English 
men who fought over the same ground in the First World War of 
the twentieth century. The names encountered in the record of his 
marches, sieges and battles are those with which men of my own 
generation became familiar in the years 1914-1918. 

There was on the right a brook which comes from Roiset and falls into 
the Somme a little above Peronne. There was in front a little valley and on 
the side of the brook a water course which the cavalry could not pass without 
great difficulty; the nearest village was called Tincour or Buires. 

The young Duke was a modest and straightforward recorder of 
the campaigns in which he served; his journal is 'crew cut' and 
almost entirely free of emotion. Yet, between the lines, a soldier 
can recognise the authenticity of his experience. Witness his 
account of the march across the Champagne plain in the Decem 
ber of 1652. 

The troops had to be quartered in the villages as the rigours of winter 
made it impossible to camp. The day they came to Sommyeur the frost 
was so very sharp that all the horsemen were forced to march on foot to 
keep warm; thirty or forty soldiers perished the same day through the 
extremity of cold; for, so soon as any of them who were not warmly 
clothed sat down for ease, the frost pierced them and they were never able 
to raise (sic) again. The Duke of York saw several frozen to death and a 
much greater number would have perished but for the care taken by the 
6 



INTRODUCTION 

officers to put on horseback those whom they saw ready to succumb and 
carried them to the first villages where they saved several of them by giving 
them brandy and other kinds of liquor. What made this frost keener and 
more penetrating was that they were then marching over the vast plains of 
Champagne, where there was no shelter against the piercing north-east 
wind which was blowing directly in their faces. 

Or of a struggle with mud, which will bring back many memories 
to veterans of both the first and second German Wars. 

Never did soldiers or even officers march on an enterprise with more 
repugnance and murmuring. After enduring all the rigours of the frost, it 
was only with great impatience that they could endure the fatigue caused 
by the thaw in a hilly country where the clay made the roads impracticable, 
particularly between Pont-a-Vere and Laon, where the baggage nearly 
remained in the mud. 

As befits a soldier James says little in his Memoirs of his per 
sonal part in these transactions. But the trust reposed in him by 
Turenne and his speedy promotion, as well as the testimony of 
those who served with him, shows how well he acquitted himself. 
Writing of his conduct in action against the Dutch fleet fourteen 
years later, his secretary, Sir William Coventry, described him as 
being 'more himself and more of judgment ... in the middle of a 
desperate service, that at other times . . . and though he is a man 
naturally martial to the hottest degree, yet a man that never in his 
life talks one word of himself or service of his own, but only that 
he saw such or such a thing'. Had he fallen in action at the Battle 
of Lowestoft or in these early campaigns in Champagne and 
Picardy he might have gone down to history as one of the noblest 
and bravest of British princes. 

In 1656, to his intense chagrin, the Duke was forced to resign 
his commission in the French Army. A treaty negotiated between 
Commonwealth England and France made it a condition of peace 
between the two countries that he should do so. His brother, the 
King, after a brief sojourn in Germany, found a refuge in the 
Spanish Netherlands, and James, recalled to his side, served for a 
time with the Spanish armies against his old comrade in arms, 
Turenne. While so engaged he was present at the Battle of the 
Dunes and left us a laconic, but moving, account of the dogged 



INTRODUCTION 

courage of Cromwell's Ironsides serving, 'at push of pike', with 
the French. 'Not so much as one single man of them ask'd quarter, 
or threw down his armes, but every one defended himself to the 
last; so that we ran as great danger by the butt end of their mus 
kets as by the volley which they had given us.' More than thirty 
years later, watching the English seamen he had once com 
manded destroying his last hopes of recovering his kingdom as 
they boarded the French warships off La Hogue, the exiled James 
paid a similar tribute to the martial qualities of his countrymen : 
'None but my brave English could do so brave an action/ 

The rest of James's story is familiar enough. In May 1660 he 
returned with his brother to England as Heir Presumptive to the 
Throne -a position he was to hold until his accession a quarter of a 
century later. Yet even amid the rejoicings of the Restoration, 
with the nation beside itself at the sudden recovery of its ancient 
Crown, Parliament and Laws, the Duke found himself in trouble. 
For the daughter of the Lord Chancellor, to whom in exile he had 
given a secret promise of marriage, proved in child by him, and he 
was faced by the dilemma of either disgracing the family of his 
brother's chief Minister or of contracting a match which was 
bound, by the standards of the age, to outrage the country. In the 
upshot, with the King's support but to the fury of his mother and 
sister, James married Anne Hyde and publicly acknowledged her 
as his wife. The mesalliance^ as it seemed at the time the start of 
which is referred to in these memoirs gave England two future 
Sovereigns, Mary II and Anne. 

During the next decade the only prolonged period in James's 
life when he was free from major trouble the young Duke, as 
Lord High Admiral, directed the country's naval affairs and com 
manded her fleet in two great naval engagements against the 
Dutch, Pepys, who as an official of the Navy Board was under 
going a similar sea-change, describes in his diary James's trans 
formation from a rather idle young prince, spoilt by an over- 
sudden accession of good fortune-'applying himself but little to 
the affairs of the country and attending to nothing but his plea 
sures'into a painstaking administrator, 'concerned to mend 
things in the Navy himself and not leave it to other people' and 
who 'do follow and understand business very well and is mightily 

8 



INTRODUCTION 

improved thereby'. For a short period at the beginning of the first 
Dutch war James was, indeed, the hero of the nation. And his 
vigour and presence of mind during the Fire of London enhanced 
the reputation he had won in battle. 

Yet within a dozen years of the Restoration James had made 
himself the most distrusted man in the country. By publicly em 
bracing the Roman Catholic faith he committed what seemed the 
greatest of all political blunders in an age when to the ordinary 
Englishman Catholicism, or Popery as it was called, was as hated 
and feared as Fascism today. The King -who himself had Catho 
lic leanings but was too wise to admit them -did his best to per 
suade James to keep his religious convictions to himself but, part 
ly out of honesty and partly out of affection for his wife, who had 
been received into the Catholic Church before her death in 1671, 
James insisted on blazoning the matter out. As a result he was 
forced to resign the Admiralty after an alarmed Parliament had 
brought in a Test Act requiring attendance at Anglican Com 
munion as a pre-requisite to the holding of every high office in the 
State. What was worse, his open change of religion made the 
nation suspect, not without truth, that there was a secret design on 
the part of the King and Court to restore England to the Catholic 
fold. During the years following his enforced retirement, James 
was faced by a growing national movement -fostered and led by 
the great Protestant or 'Whig' Parliamentarian, Lord Shaftes- 
bury to exclude him from the succession to the Throne and 
legitimise the King's bastard, the young Duke of Monmouth, in 
his place. For a time he was forced, at his brother's command, to 
leave the country and live in exile, first in Brussels, and then, as 
Viceroy and High Commissioner, in Scotland. During this 
period, while the false accusations of Titus Gates agitated and 
terrorised the country, even the life of the Catholic Heir Presump 
tive would have been in danger had he remained in London. 
Saved by his brother's consummate political skill an adroitness 
that James despised, never understood and regarded as weakness 
-he was recalled in 1682 on the rising crest of an astonishing 
loyal reaction against the excesses of the Whig extremists. Follow 
ing an escape from drowning by shipwreck off the Yorkshire coast, 
the Duke was hailed on his return by the London mob who 
earlier had been ready to hound him to death with the refrain, 



INTRODUCTION 

The glory of the British line. 
Old Jimmy's come again! 

Two years later, in February 16855 Charles died and James 
succeeded to the Throne. In little more than three years, by his 
tactlessness, his inability to compromise or judge of human motive 
and character, and by the rigidity with which he upheld and 
sought to extend the rights of his unpopular co-religionists, 
James II threw away all the advantages won by his brother's poli 
tical strategy. Acclaimed by the ruling Anglican High Tory 
Party as the uncompromising son of the martyred King who had 
died for the Church of England and as the champion of monarchi 
cal legitimism and Divine Right, he persisted in outraging their 
strongest beliefs and prejudices by suspending the laws in order 
to grant office to Roman Catholics and Dissenters, by governing 
without a Parliament since no Parliament would endorse his 
policy and by maintaining a standing army, partly recruited from 
Irish Papists and destined, it was believed (though probably un 
justly) to enslave the nation. When in the summer of 1688 a son 
was unexpectedly born to his Catholic Queen, Mary of Modena 
whom he had married fifteen years before abandoning the hope 
that their dilemma was only temporary and putting their religion 
before their loyalty, his disillusioned Tory supporters joined with 
their Whig opponents in secretly inviting the King's Protestant 
son-in-law, William of Orange, to invade England with a Dutch 
fleet and army to save the religion and laws of the country. This, 
with the support of the majority of the English people, William 
did, landing at Torbay as 'Liberator' in November 1688. 

Betrayed by those whom he most trusted, including his daugh 
ters, Mary of Orange and Anne, and the leading officers of his 
Army, James lost his head and, for once, his courage, and, after 
five weeks of uncertainty, retreat and confusion, attempted to fly 
the country. He thereby gave those who wished, not merely to 
restrain, but to dethrone him, the chance to declare the throne 
vacant. A second attempt to escape-encouraged by William- 
proved successful, and at three o'clock on the morning of Christ 
mas Day 1688 the hapless King landed in France, once more a 
fugitive, never to return to England. 

Henceforward until his death James was the pensioner of his 
10 



INTRODUCTION 

cousin, Louis XIV,, in whose armies he had fought forty years 
before and who had now become Britain's declared enemy and, 
with his vast armed hosts and dreams of 'universal monarchy', a 
threat to the liberties of all Europe. With Louis's help James 
landed in Ireland in the spring of 1689 in an attempt to recover 
his throne which, in his absence, had been conferred by Parlia 
ment jointly on William and Mary. Hailed by the Catholic Irish 
as a saviour, he remained there till July of the following year 
when his Franco-Irish army was routed by William at the Battle 
oftheBoyne. 

For the remainder of his life James lived in retirement at St. 
Germain, increasingly given over to religious devotion and medi 
tation. He died on September lyth, 1701, a few months before 
the Protestant nephew and son-in-law who had supplanted him on 
the throne. To Catholics, as well as to a little group of loyal English 
Tories who refused to acknowledge his successor, he seemed a 
martyr who had given up everything for his faith and the prin 
ciples of monarchical right which he had so stubbornly refused to 
compromise. 



ii 



PREFACE 



^ I A HE announcement in 1951 that Charles Scribner's Sons, of 
JL New York, with whom I was associated for many years as 
Rare Book expert, had acquired the most legendary' Shuckburg 
copy of the Gutenberg Bible from a member of the British Royal 
Family aroused interest in other than bibliographical circles. 
Press associations carried the story, articles were written, inter 
views given, and offers of 'family treasures' swelled to full flood 
from all continents. As a result of this publicity, a young French 
girl in New York telephoned to inquire about the value of some 
first editions of Robert Browning, Lord Tennyson, and Walter 
Savage Landor. 

The first book examined, the Browning, was inscribed by the 
author to Walter Savage Landor, as was the Tennyson volume. 
The books by Landor were his own copies, annotated throughout 
in his waspish style and of considerable bibliographical interest 
They were purchased upon mutually satisfactory terms and 
promptly found suitable homes. 

One's first reaction to material of this kind is naturally: 'Where 
did it come from?' and 'Is there any more of it to be had? 7 The 
answers were that they came from the family library in France, 
which was a large one, and that other similar material might be 
there, that these particular books had been brought to America as 
they seemed the most likely to be saleable here, and that Made 
moiselle was descended from Walter Savage Landor, which satis 
factorily explained their provenance. This was exciting, of course, 
but it developed that the library was in a somewhat inaccessible 
spot, the castle was closed, and there was no one locally capable of 
making even the briefest kind of inventory. 

In 1 954 I made arrangements to go to England and the conti 
nent on a rare-book hunting expedition, and my companion on the 
trip to France was to be Percy Muir, of the firm of Elkin Mathews, 
a long-time friend whose knowledge of French booksellers, French 
books, and, in short, France is encyclopedic. The forthcoming 
trip recalled the memory of the Landor library and, after some in- 

13 



PREFACE 

vestigation, I found that the daughter was now living in Paris. 
Arrangements were made at last to visit the castle in the Midi, 
where Mademoiselle's mother was now in residence. 

The castle is very old and had somehow -probably from its iso 
lated position far off the traditional invasion routes -escaped the 
desolation of the wars that had devastated other parts of France in 
past ages and in our own day. Among its proud traditions, and 
they are many, is the fact that Richard Lion-Heart had visited it. 
The library and many other rooms contained-on the walls, in 
closets and cupboards-important and interesting documents asso 
ciated with the castle's long history, but most were connected with 
the family's history and were understandably not to be parted 
with under any circumstances. 

Only one book of real value, the rare first edition of Henry D. 
Thoreau's first book A Week on the Concord and Merrimac Rivers 
(Cambridge, Massachusetts, 1849), in fine condition and in 
scribed by Thoreau to Landor, turned up and it was discovered by 
Muir. This book the Countess parted with reluctantly, obviously 
disappointed that nothing of importance (aside from the French 
works with which she would not part) had come to light. 

Two evenings before our departure I went prying around some 
of the old closets, partly to see if something had not been over 
looked and partly to prove to Muir that I was as good a needle-in- 
a-haystack hunter as he. On top of a large pile of seventeenth- and 
eighteenth-century books and documents, I chanced to pick up 
the manuscript of the present volume. Had it been at the bottom, 
I would never have reached for it. Opening the manuscript in the 
middle, I was certain that, being in French, it was another docu 
ment with which the family would not part; but something made 
me glance at the title page. This, I thought, requires considera 
tion, and retiring to my rooms I meditated on it, skimming 
through it with my faulty French. 

The book, 145 folio pages, written on both sides, was bound in 
eighteenth-century blind-tooled calf without lettering. The title 
page read in part: 'Campagnes Tirees mot pour mot des memoirs 
de Jacques Stuart Pour lors Due d'Yorck, et depuis Roy d'Angle- 
terre Jacques Second. . / Bound in were four folio leaves, written 
on both sides, headed "Preface du Cardinal de Bouillon', and an 
attestation with seal, dated 1734, and signed by five members of 

14 



PREFACE 

the Scots College of the University of Paris. There was a book 
plate of Turenne Aynac and the name 'M[arqu]is de Turenne 
d'Aynac' written on the flyleaf. 

It was obvious what it was, but I was hazy as to its true impor 
tance. Though not particularly well-informed about this period, I 
was familiar with Winston Churchill's Marlborough. I recalled 
his vivid chapter on James IPs memoirs, the romantic tale of 
the attempt to smuggle them from France to England during 
the French Revolution, their destruction at St. Omer, and 
the subsequent controversies over the authenticity of various 
texts. 

The next morning, with Muir translating, we discovered that 
the preface was written by Emmanuel-Theodose de la Tour 
d'Auvergne, Cardinal de Bouillon, nephew of Henri de la Tour 
d'Auvergne, Vicomte de Turenne, the famous French Marshal. In 
1695, when the Cardinal had met King James II, then in exile at 
St. Germain-en-Laye, the King had told the nephew of his experi 
ences as a young man serving in the French Army under Marshal 
Turenne. Since most of this information was unknown to the 
Cardinal, he requested the King to set down a record. The King 
replied that he had already written memoirs of his early years, 
that he would extract from these all references to the Marshal 
together with his experiences in the Low Countries down to the 
Peace of the Pyrenees and the Restoration of his brother Charles 
II to the throne of England, and that he would have them trans 
lated into French for presentation to the Cardinal. 

On January 27, 1696, James sent for the Cardinal and pre 
sented him with this manuscript, with the injunction that it was to 
be shown to no one during the King's lifetime. This injunction 
was faithfully observed by the Cardinal, not only during the life of 
the King, but during his own lifetime also. Not until 1715, the 
year of his death, did he write the preface, giving its history and 
adding his intention to bequeath it to the next in seniority in the 
family of Turenne, with the hope that it would remain in the 
possession of the senior member of his family from generation to 
generation in perpetuity. 

His heir was his nephew, Henri-Oswald de la Tour d'Auvergne, 
Comte de Turenne, who inherited from the Cardinal not only this 
manuscript but the whole of his very considerable library. The 



PREFACE 

library was eventually dispersed, but the manuscript remained 
with the family. 

Although King James had promised the Cardinal a translation 
of only those parts of the memoirs that would be of interest to him, 
it became apparent from the certificate of authentication that the 
manuscript is a remarkably faithful version of the English original. 

This certificate of authentication, bound between the Cardinal's 
preface and the body of the manuscript, was prepared for and 
given to the Cardinal's nephew. It is signed by five officials of the 
Scots College of the University of Paris, where the papers of 
James II had been deposited by his order. The most important of 
the signers is Louis Inesse, who used the French form of his name, 
originally Lewis Innes. He had succeeded Robert Barclay as 
principal of the Scots College in 1682 and devoted himself to the 
preservation and arrangement of the records in the college library. 
He was one of the five men who acted as James II's Cabinet at St. 
Germain after the King's return from Ireland in 1690. 

The certificate reads : 

These Memoirs of the late King James II of Great Britain conform to 
the original English Memoirs written in H.M.'s own hand which, in 
accordance with a Minute signed by his hand, are preserved in our said 
college. And we, the aforesaid, certify further that the present Manuscript, 
revised and corrected by the said King James, translated by his order, given 
by his hand to the late Cardinal de Bouillon on January 27, 1696, and 
written in the hand of Dempster, one of the Secretaries of his said Majesty, 
conforms in feet, circumstances, reflections, and generally in every way (the 
turn of style and method of relation excepted) to a second translation of the 
same English Memoirs, made by order of the late Queen of Great Britain, 
signed in her hand, sealed with her Seal bearing her arms, countersigned by 
my Lord Caryl Secretaire d'Etat on November 14, 1704, and given on 
January 15, 17053 by the said Louis Inesse to S.A.R. the Cardinal de 
Bouillon, to be used in the Histoire du Vicomte de Turenne. . . .* 

This was a discovery indeed, but what could be done with it? I 
thought from the first that the family could be persuaded to part 
with the manuscript if I advanced the theory that it had very little 

* See the Bibliographical Note, pp. 19, 20, 22 below, for a discussion of this 
second manuscript. 

16 



PREFACE 

French interest, since it was merely the translated memoirs of an 
Englishman who later became King. But we were leaving the next 
morning and how to persuade the owners and arrange the innu 
merable details (assuming they were willing to part with the 
manuscript) was a puzzle. 

The problem was solved in the simplest manner. I returned to 
London and left Percy Muir to attend to the details. His account 
follows. 

Randall's discovery of the James II manuscript, coming after 
our experience in purchasing the Thoreau book, was not dis 
cussed at once with the Countess. I was convinced that it would be 
wise to await a psychological moment at which to broach the 
subject. 

The moment arose soon after a late supper on our last evening 
at the chateau, when the Countess announced that we must in 
spect the countryside by moonlight from the battlements. We 
climbed a spiral staircase in one of the towers, and as we emerged 
into a kind of loft under the roof we found the floor covered with 
an amazing variety of receptacles. There were buckets, baths, 
chamberpots even a bedpan or two. Our hostess explained that 
this was a precaution against a repetition of the experience during 
the previous year's rainy season, when water had streamed through 
the roof and brought down ceilings. She reminded us of the water- 
stained walls in the rooms below, which were indicative of the 
intensity of the flood. 

As we emerged onto the roof, the Countess pointed out that all 
the lead was porous and needed replacing. She had had an esti 
mate for renewing it, but it was a sum entirely beyond her means 
to provide. 

'And you had hoped, perhaps,' I suggested, 'that Landor's 
books might provide for the possibility.' 

'Yes!' she said. 'But you have removed that foolish idea from 
my head. I am sure your valuation is an honest and accurate one. 
But the money would go nowhere. Perhaps you will still find some 
thing, somewhere in the house, that will keep a roof over my 
head.' 

'We have,' I said. And at three o'clock in the morning, on that 
moonlit roof, I told her what we had found. I was not surprised 



PREFACE 

to learn that she had no idea of the existence of the document ; and 
its nature had to be described to her in detail. She wanted to see it 
at once and we went down to examine it. She was quite indefati 
gable and would have sat up the rest of the night poring over it 
and discussing it. I finally succeeded in persuading her to retire to 
her bedroom with the manuscript, and we were able to sleep for a 
few hours. 

The next morning Randall announced that his schedule re 
quired that he return to London immediately, so that., while I was 
able to stay, he was forced to leave with the great purchase still un 
completed. The Countess was torn between reluctance to part 
with a family document and anxiety about the roof. She had de 
cided that her daughter must be consulted about the manuscript. 
It was a part of her inheritance and she must make the decision. 

"But without a proper roof/ I said, 'neither this manuscript nor 
anything else in the chateau may be worth inheriting.' 

'Of course, you are right/ she answered. 'You will see her in 
Paris on your return there. She is a very sensible girl. She will see 
the point. But if she says I am not to sell I shall be glad.' 

I had to leave without a decision and without the manuscript, 
although we did agree to abide by the daughter's future decision. 
A further condition was made. If we did buy the manuscript, a 
complete facsimile in a copy of its original eighteenth-century 
binding was to be made and given to the Countess at our expense. 

Since the daughter did approve the purchase, there was a 
second journey to the chateau, when I did acquire the manuscript. 
For the conclusion of the story, we must return to Randall's part 
of this preface : 

The delivery of the manuscript to America occurred just prior 
to my leaving Scribner's to become Librarian of the remarkable 
collection of rare books and manuscripts which Mr. J. K. Lilly, 
Jr., of Indianapolis, had given to Indiana University. It became 
my first major addition to that collection. 

The best and most exhaustive account of King James's Memoirs 
is in Winston Churchill's Marlborough.* In it he published for the 
first time a letter from Thomas Inesse, brother of Louis Inesse, 

* George G. Harrap, London, and Charles Scribner's Sons, New York. 

18 



PREFACE 

and his successor as Principal of the Scots College, to James 
Edgar, secretary to the Old Pretender, dated Paris, October 17, 
1740. 

There were, it appears, four manuscripts of the Memoirs, two 
in English and two in French, which may be described as follows : 

(i) The original English manuscript written in the hand of 
King James himself and (2) an English transcription thereof. 
These are referred to by Thomas Inesse in this way: 

Now the Orig. Memoires having been at first all written upon paper of 
different Seizes such as his late Maty had about him or at hand during his 
Campagnes or in the different parts he happened to be; were in no kind of 
order till by his late Maties directions, my Brother arranged them and 
caused bind them up in three vols with references to mark the suitte 
[sequence]. Besides this, they are in some places by length of time and bad 
ink become almost illegible so that M. Carte sometimes not a little puzzled 
to make them out: To remedy this I thought properr to communicate to 
him a fair copy we have of these Memoires ending, as the Orgls do, at the 
Restoration in 3 vols in 4, upon the first Volume of which is die following 
notte in my Brothers hand . . . [transcribed in 3 volumes in 4 from the King's 
Original Memoires by M. Dryden the famous Poet, 1 in the year 1686, and 
afterwards revised by his Majesty, and in Severall places corrected in his 
own hand]. 

There are besides some other Markes upon this copy of Mr. Dryden by 
which it would appear that A.D. 1686 when it was making ready for the 
Press and probably it had been published, if the unhappy Revolution had not 
soon after fallen out. 

' . . . The chief differences between this Copy and the Original consist 
in this that whereas in the Origl Memoires H.M. speaks always of himself 
in the third person 2 ... in this copy of M. Dryden he is made always to 
speak in the first person. . . .' 

(3) The present French version and (4), as detailed in the Certi 
ficate of Attestation, a second French translation made after the 
King's death for his widow, Mary of Modena. 

Churchill's account disposes of many previously accepted 
inaccuracies, for example, the highly misleading account in the 

1 Assumed to be Charles Dryden, the poet's son. 

2 A study of the copy of James IPs Memoirs published by J. S. Clarke in 1816 
leads one to doubt this statement (Editor). 

19 



PREFACE 

bibliographical notes to A. W. Ward's article in the Dictionary of 
National Biography. This article sets down and summarizes ^as 
fact many views or statements which are challenged by Churchill. 
It is suggested, for example, that James II either wrote or super 
vised the preparation of the Memoirs down to the year 1678. 
Churchill argues that the only Memoirs written by the King were 
those contained in the present manuscript which ends with the 
Restoration of Charles IL 3 

Churchill discusses the fate of the original English Memoirs, 

* There is no doubt about the existence of the Memoirs nor where they 
lay during the whole of the eighteenth century. On the outbreak of the 
French Revolution the Scots College tried by various channels to send these 
historical treasures to England for safety. In 1793 it is believed that a 
Monsieur Charpentier finally undertook the task. He was arrested at 
Saint-Omer, and his wife, fearing lest the Royal Arms of hostile England 
on the bindings might be compromising, first buried the volumes in the 
garden of her house, and later dug them up and burned them. Thus ended 
the travels of the Memoirs, the only original memoirs " writ in the King's 
own hand ",' 

It is not clear from Churchill's account whether the second 
English transcription (2, above) and the last French translation 
(4, above) were also destroyed in like manner. It seems most 
likely that they were. In any event they have never been recovered 
and were not at the Scots College in Paris when Charles James Fox 
visited there in 1 802. 

Now arises the question of the printing of the various manu 
scripts. During the eighteenth century some access was had to 
James's Memoirs and other papers deposited in the Scots College 
and several works, a 'Life', etc., were written from them. First, 
the English. Ward, in DJV.5., states categorically: 'Of the 
materials used by the compilers [of the Life of James II"] genuine 
remains exist in the extracts made from the Memoirs by Carte -as 
well as in those by Macpherson. 

These references are to three different sources : 

3 Evidence has now come to light to suggest that James continued to write 
memoirs, though not perhaps continuous!/, after 1660 and even into the 1 680*3 
(Editor). 



PREFACE 

(1) The Life of James II collected out of Memoirs writ in his own 
hand. By James Clarke. 1 8 1 6. 

(2) The Life of the Duke of Ormonde. By Thomas Carte. 1736. 

(3) Original Papers containing the secret history of Great Britain 
from the Restoration to the accession of the House of Hanover. By 

James Macpherson. 1775. 

James Macpherson is best known for his equivocal fostering of 
the poems of 'Ossian', an association which is hardly a recom 
mendation in an historian. Churchill disposes of his claim to 
authority summarily and effectively. His labours are 'irrelevant 
and redundant' and may be allowed *to pass without further com 
ment from the account'. 

Churchill also clears up the confusion about the Memoirs and 
a 'Life'. About 1707 James IPs son, the Old Pretender, caused a 
detailed biography of his father to be compiled by a Jacobite 
gentleman named Dicconson, which was deposited at the Scots 
College for many years. A copy of his manuscript was acquired by 
an English Benedictine community in Italy. It was purchased 
during the Napoleonic Wars by the Prince of Wales, afterwards 
George IV, who had it edited by the Rev. James Clarke, his his 
toriographer, and printed in 1816. This is source-reference (i) 
above. 

Carte's claim to have quoted or copied any considerable portion 
of the original Memoirs is disposed of by the letter from Thomas 
Inesse, quoted above. Inesse had made available to Carte the re 
written version made by Dryden in 1686, and it was from this 
version that Carte's extracts were made. 

From this bibliographical material, several interesting points 
emerge. First, it is clear that at no time has the original English 
manuscript been printed, only the passages quoted or condensed 
by Dicconson have survived. Secondly, at no time when printing 
of the Memoirs was feasible were they in a fit state to be printed, 
because of their haphazard compilation and their illegibility. 
Finally, and most important of all for our present purpose, the 
only redaction of the Memoirs, made under the King's personal 
supervision, known to have survived in any form is the present 
manuscript. 

Admittedly the King supervised the Dryden version; but 
Inesse expressly mentions 'the differences in it from the Original* 

21 



PREFACE 

and specifies for example, that Dryden's version was written in 
the first person throughout, 4 whereas the original was in the third 
person, thereby disposing of any possible notion that this might 
be a translation of Dryden's version, rather than the original. 

The reference to a second French translation in the certificate 
from the Scots College which accompanies the present manuscript 
is confusing. Two dates are mentioned in connection with it, 
1704, when it was sealed by 'My Lord Caryl', Secretary of State, 
and 1705, when it was said to have been given by Louis Inesse to 
the Cardinal de Bouillon to be used in the Histoire du Vicomte 
Turenne. 

These dates are not without interest and significance. In 1701, 
after the death of James II, John Caryll was appointed as one of 
the Old Pretender's Secretaries of State and created Baron. And 
that same year he wrote to James IFs widow, Mary of Modena, 
that he was engaged with the King's Memoirs. There can be little 
doubt that this refers to the commissioning of the second French 
translation, and the affixing of his seal to it in 1 704 probably 
signifies its completion. 

There remains the mystery of why it should have been en 
trusted to the Cardinal in 1 705, when he had been given his own 
manuscript of the Memoirs nine years before. The probable ex 
planation is that the second manuscript was lent to him for pur 
poses of collation and comparison before the printing of the 
Histoire was undertaken. Whatever may have been the Cardinal's 
intentions it was not he, but his nephew, who supervised the pub 
lication of the Histoire du Vicomte de Turenne^ in which the known 
documents relating to the life of Marshal Turenne were printed. 
By 1705 the Cardinal was in serious political difficulties; in 1710 
he was exiled. The Histoire^ published in 1735, included a section 
entitled *Les Memoires du Due d'Yorck, depuis Jacques II. Roi 
de la Grande-Bretagne/ which is based on the present manuscript. 

There are numerous omissions, however, sometimes marked by 
a row of dots, sometimes not. Generally speaking the printed text 
is confined to the description of Turenne's campaigns in France 
and the Low Countries. But the narration of events at the time 
that James changed sides at the order of his brother Charles and 

4 This seems extraordinary, if we are to suppose that the original Memoirs were in 
the third person. But Thomas Inesse's testimony is suspect (Editor). 

22 



PREFACE 

joined his erstwhile enemies, the Spaniards, against Turenne is 
suppressed. The most important omissions in the Histoires text 
are the detailed and interesting accounts toward the end of the 
Memoirs portraying the negotiations for and ending with the 
Restoration of Charles II. The Histoire ends James's Memoirs in 
1658. 

Therefore it is clear that these Memoirs have never been 
printed in their entirety or verbatim. Their discovery makes it 
possible for the first time to check the accuracy of Dicconson, 
Carte, Macpherson, and all those scholars and historians who have 
relied upon them. 

Takeley, Bishop's Stortjord Percy Muir 

and 
Bloomington^ Indiana David A. Randall 



TRANSLATOR'S INTRODUCTION 



IN the foregoing pages, Mr. David Randall has reconstructed 
the history of the various manuscripts and printed works that 
contain records of the life of James II. The present writer's task 
has been not simply to translate those portions of the French 
manuscript, Campagnes . . . de Jacques Stuart^ which are of value 
or importance to history, but also, by comparing the text it con 
tains with those contained in the Histoire du Vicomte de Turenne 
(i 735) and in The Life of James // (i 8 16), to assess the relative 
value of these works and also, by comparison and analysis, to pro 
pose tentative conclusions regarding the text of the autograph 
memoirs of James II. 

If then we leave aside those works which are of inferior value, 
such as Macpherson's Original Papers (1775); or which h- ave 
disappeared and perhaps been destroyed, such as Charles Dry- 
den's revision of James's memoirs, and the second translation of 
the military memoirs to which the heads of the Scottish College 
allude in the certificate preceding our manuscript-if we leave 
these aside, we have four documents to consider : 

I. James's autograph memoirs (in English). 

II. The French MS. entitled Campagnes. . . . 

III. (a) The Memoires du Due d' Torch printed by A. IVL Ramsay 
as an appendix to Vol. II of his Histoire du Vicomte de Turenne 
(Paris, 1735). 

() The English translation of the above (London, 1735). 

IV. The Life of James II collected out of Memoirs writ of his own 
hand. Edited by the Rev. J. S. Clarke (London, 18 16). 

I. JAMES'S AUTOGRAPH MEMOIRS. On the testimony of 
Thomas Innes, Vice-Principal of the College des Ecossais in Paris, 
testimony conveyed in a letter of 1740 to the secretary of James 
Francis Edward Stuart, 1 it has been supposed that these memoirs 
related the story of his life down to the Restoration in 1660, and 
that they were written in the third person. They were preserved 
1 The so-called 'Old Pretender*. 



TRANSLATOR'S INTRODUCTION 

for many years at the above college, but were destroyed about 
1793 during the Revolution. Andrew Michael Ramsay speaks of 
them in the 'Avertissement' he placed at the beginning of his 
Histoire du Vicomte de Turenne* where he lists the original sources 
to which he has had recourse. Of these the third is James's 
memoirs : 

Les Memoires du Due d'Yorck, depuis Jacques II. Roi de la Grande 
Bretagne, qui servit quatre ans avec le Vicomte pendant les guerres 
civiles, & deux ans avec le Prince de Conde dans Parmee Espagnole: Tun & 
Pautre de ces deux grands Capitaines admirerent toujours la valeur & la 
capacite du due d'Yorck. Le Prince Anglois ecrivoit dans sa langue le soir 
ou le lendemain de chaque action, ce qui s'etoit passe sous ses yeux, & le 
communiquoit ensuite au General. Le manuscrit original a ete depose au 
College des Ecossois a Paris. En 1696. ce Prince devenu Roi d'Angleterre, 3 
fit faire une Traduction Fran^oise de tout ce qui regardoit le Vicomte de 
Turenne, & la donna au feu Cardinal de Bouillon: 4 huit ans apres, la Reine 
sa femme envoya au mme Cardinal une autre Traduction des memes 
Memoires, signee de sa main, scellee de son grand Sceau & contresignee par 
Mylord Caryll, Secretaire d'Etat. 5 

It emerges from the above that, in Ramsay's belief, the military 
part of the memoirs, that is, the part that covered the years 1652 
to 1658 inclusive, had been composed as a day-to-day journal. 
This would not apply to the period prior to 1 652, nor to the some 
times lengthy passages that describe diplomatic movements and 
court intrigues. The latter, by the way, are partly omitted or 
abbreviated in the French translation. One cannot but wonder 
whether a day-to-day journal would have been written in the third 
person. It is not clear, from Ramsay's statement, that he had con 
sulted the original memoirs ; what he unquestionably utilised was 
our manuscript translation. 

II. 'CAMPAGNES . . . DE JACQUES STUART/ This MS., en 
tirely in French, contains 290 folio pages of narrative (145 sheets 
written on both sides), with an entry for each year from 1652 to 

2 Paris, 1735,2 vols. in folio. Vol. I (the introductoiy matter is not paginated. The 
pages in question would be z xi). 

3 He had not been king de facto after 1688. 

4 This is our MS. 

5 This has disappeared. 

26 



TRANSLATOR'S INTRODUCTION 

1659-60 inclusive.* The entry for 1652 is very long (85 pages); 
that for 1659 (which includes 1660) very short (14 pages). There 
are nine pages of preliminary matter: the Cardinal's preface 
(8 pages) and the Certificate from the College des Ecossais (i 
page). The narrative of the Campagnes is in the third person 
throughout. The certificate affirms that the text of Campagnes is 
conformable ('conforme') to the late king's autograph memoirs. 
It is certain that the translation was made under James's direction 
and supervision and it is not impossible that he dictated it himself, 
translating from his own memoirs, while Dempster took it down. 
James was no writerhis letters are often very obscureand the 
literary deficiencies which are here and there apparent in the 
French MS., so that it is not always at once clear whom 'he' or 
'they' refer to, and which 'armee', the French or the Spanish, is in 
question, are in keeping with what we know of his way of writing. 
One can be sure that he read or reread, and corrected, the MS. 
because a few of the corrections are in a hand different from, and 
inferior to, that of the MS. as a whole. I think also that a few 
remarks or statements, such as the pious moralising, a propos of 
the Frondeurs, on the just doom that befalls rebels (MS. p. 47) 
and the record of James's first meeting with Anne Hyde (MS. 
pp. 195196) were inserted when the translation was made, and 
were not in the original memoirs. They are certainly not in the 
Life (ed. Clarke). But these considerations go to establish the 
authenticity of the MS., if indeed further evidence of this were 
needed. 

IV. I turn next, for convenience, to The Life of James II 
collected out of Memoirs writ of his own hand. This work can with 
some certainty be ascribed to a C M. Dicconson' 6 who was en 
trusted with the task by James's son and heir, Prince James 
Francis Edward. His identity is still not widely known, although 
it was brought to light by Mr. Malcolm Hay 7 as recently as 

* James used New Style dates throughout his MS. 

6 According to the statement of Thomas Innes in the letter of 1740 referred to 
above. Sir Winston Churchill, who quotes this letter in vol. I of Marlborough, his 
Life and Times (London, 1933) takes the same view, and he regards the last part of 
the Life as an unreliable document (see vol. I, 356, 357, 363, 364). 

7 M. V. Hay, Winston Churchill and J ames II (London, 1934), pp. 9-10. 

27 



TRANSLATOR'S INTRODUCTION 

1934. William Dicconson (1655-1743) was the eldest son of 
Hugh Dicconson, of Wrightington Hall in Lancashire. 8 As a 
Catholic and Royalist he was devoted to the Stuart cause and he 
served as treasurer to the exiled Court at Saint-Germain. He was 
a layman and should not be confused with his younger brother 
Edward, 9 who in later years was Vicar Apostolic for the northern 
district of England. When William Dicconson came to edit the 
memoirs and other records of the life of James II, he certainly 
wrote from a Jacobite standpoint, and he can scarcely be expected 
to have spoken impartially about the adversaries of the House of 
Stuart and particularly about John Churchill. That he handled 
those records which concerned the Restoration, and especially the 
critical years after about 1671, in such a way as to present James 
in the most favourable light, seems more than probable. But for 
the period of James's soldiering in France, he would have fewer 
motives for omitting any important circumstance, and here at 
least I have discovered no evidence to suggest that he falsified 
James's own memoirs. 

However that may be, the MS. Life of James //which he pre 
pared, or a copy of it, subsequently came into the hands of the 
English Benedictines in Italy. From them it was acquired by the 
future George IV and was printed in two folio volumes by the 
Rev. J. S. Clarke in 1 8 1 6. Now it is generally supposed, again on 
the testimony of Thomas Innes, that James's own memoirs ceased 
with the Restoration, that is, at the same point as the French MS. 
Campagnes. It would follow that by far the greater part of the Life 
(Vol. I, 385750 and all Vol. II) is the work of secretaries or 
others. I have reason to believe, on the contrary, that James con 
tinued to record his doings. The question is important for the 
historian of the reigns of Charles II, James II, and William and 
Mary; but it is of no moment for a study of James's campaigns in 
France. 

For this earlier period (1652-1659) and for his still earlier life, 
he certainly left memoirs. Although they have been lost, we can 

8 J. Gillow, Bibliographical Dictionary of the English Catholics (London, 1855), 
vol. II, 60-62. Cited by Hay. 

9 Edward Dicconson (1670-1752) was the third son of Hugh. He was educated 
at the English College at Douai, where he subsequently held professorships of Syntax, 
Poetry, and Philosophy, and of which he was Vice-President in 1713-14. He was 
later sent to Rome as agent of the secular clergy of England (D JO.) . 

28 



TRANSLATOR'S INTRODUCTION 

infer certain things about them by analysing the corresponding 
portions in the Life and in the Campagnesi by comparing the Life 
and the Campagnes^ and by taking account of the testimony con 
tained in the Certificate from the Scottish College (1734) and in a 
letter from Thomas Innes to the secretary of Prince James 
Francis Edward (1740). Of this, more later. 

To return to J. S. Clarke's edition: this ostensibly includes a 
copy of James's autograph memoirs, probably edited and narrated 
partly in the third, partly in the first person. For the years prior to 
1 652 the narrative is in the third person ; but for the years covered 
by the French MS. an unusual procedure has been adopted by the 
copyist or editor (presumably Dicconson). Sometimes the narra 
tive is in the third person; but at other times the editor writes, for 
example, as follows: 'Of this Campagne his R. Highness gives 
the following Account in the Memoires written in his own hand' 
(Clarke, Vol. I, 159); and the section that follows is in the first 
person. Here is the arrangement: 1652: third person; 1653, 
1654, 1655: first person; 1656 : third person; 1657 (a) Introduc 
tory portion (Clarke I, 288-296): third person; (b) narrative of 
the campaign (pp. 297-329): first person; 1658: first person; 
16^9-60: third person. In all the instances of first person narra 
tive, on pp. 159 (for 1653), 192 (for 1654), 244 (for 1655), and 
296 (for 1657 and 1658), the editor states that the account is 
from James's own memoirs, and there seems no reason to suppose 
that he is not copying them textually. As regards the other years, 
namely 1652, 1656, introduction to 1657, and 1659-60, he is 
frankly editing the memoirs, at any rate to the extent of putting 
them into the third person. Thus, a study of the Clarke edition, 
which is invaluable for this and other reasons, has come near to 
convincing me that the original memoirs were in the first person 
throughout. One must here mention another document, which has 
also been lost: a version of the original memoirs which is said to 
have been made by 'Dryden' (presumably Charles Dryden, son of 
the dramatist) and which is described as an improvement on 
them. Now in the letter of 1740, referred to above, Thomas Innes 
says there were differences between the original version and Dry- 
den's, although James supervised the latter. One may assume that 
the differences were mainly literary. Innes further states that Dry- 
den's version was in the first person, while the original was in the 

29 



TRANSLATOR'S INTRODUCTION 

third. This last statement is extraordinary. The text published by 
Clarke casts the greatest doubt on it; one would be astonished in 
deed if James, after writing his own memoirs in the third person, 
employed Dryden to rewrite them in the first. May we not assume 
that Innes had confused in his memory the original memoirs with 
the Life as edited by Dicconson? 

Finally, I see no reason to regard this version of Dicconson's, 
which was to be published by Clarke, as containing anything but 
an honest edition, sometimes a copy, sometimes an arrangement, 
of James's own memoirs down to i66o. 9a Where the editor inter 
polates a remark of his own, the thing is fairly clear. As, however, 
we have no absolute proof of the above, we cannot be certain of its 
authenticity, still less of its reliability. For my own part, I believe 
it to be authentic as regards the sections that are in the first person. 

With the MS. we are on firm ground. We can now compare it 
with the Life. The entries in the MS. for the years 1652, 1653, 
1654, 1655, and 1658 do not differ materially from the corres 
ponding sections in the Clarke edition. The entries for 1656 are 
similar for the first few pages (MS. pp. 195-1 99 = Clarke, I, 
267-27 1), except that in the MS. James has inserted, at the top of 
p. 196, an account of his first meeting with Anne Hyde. This 
took place in February 1656, between Peronne and Cambrai, and 
is nowhere else recorded. The account of Dr. Frazer's mission, on 
p. 271 of Clarke, is followed by a narrative of court intrigues (pp. 
271-275) which is omitted in the MS., as is a part of pp. 276- 
277. The encounter with Lockhart at Clermont is in both texts. 

There next follow in Clarke, still under the heading 1656, 
several pages about James's doings in the Netherlands and Lord 
Bristol's machinations (pp. 279-287). Under 1657 we have a 
further account of James, now in Holland, of the efforts to make 
him join the Spanish army, and a good deal more about Lord 
Bristol (pp. 289-299). These parts (pp. 279-287, and 287-299) 
are omitted from the MS., where the account of the campaign of 
1657 (beginning on MS. p. 202) corresponds with the passage 
beginning on p. 299 of Clarke. Thus some 25 pages which were 

9a And also of memoirs, possibly not complete, which lie wrote for many years 
after 1660, and probably until 1684. See his remarks to the Cardinal (p. 52 below): 
'even confiding to me that, as he had already written pretty exactly year by year in 
English the memoirs of his own life, he would. . . .' 

3 



presumably in the original memoirs, and were mainly of personal 
and diplomatic interest, do not figure in the MS. Apart from this, 
the entries in the two works for 1657 are similar. The story of 
how, during the siege of Mardyck, the French officers identified 
James by reason of the greyhound they had previously seen with 
him in France, is in both narratives; likewise the fraternising be 
tween the officers and the interview with Reynolds who, accord 
ing to James, hinted that he might one day render him service 
(MS. pp. 229-230: Clarke, p. 327). James appears later to have 
had doubts about this, because in the MS. he interpolated the 
following remark: 'On ne scait point quelle intention Reynold 
(sic) pouvoit avoir.' We do not know, either; and we also have 
doubts. 10 The entries for 1658 are virtually identical and those for 
1659 and the early months of 1660 are very similar. The narra 
tive in the MS. is slightly abbreviated in one or two places (for 
1659-60) and no attempt is made to translate 'the Select Knott' 
which is simply described as a 'conjuration' (MS. p. 279: Clarke 

P-370- 

Such are the main differences between the MS. and the text 

printed by Clarke; these, and minor differences, are indicated in 
footnotes to the translation. 

Ill (a). The Memoires du Luc d'Torck published by Andrew 
Michael Ramsay among the 'pieces justificatives' at the end of 
Vol. II of his Histoire du Ficomte de Turenne (Paris, 1735, ^ty 11 
were obviously transcribed from the MS. now at Indiana Univer 
sity. This MS. must have belonged to the then Due de Bouillon, 
and we know for a certainty that Ramsay had been for the past 
three or four years intendant and tutor to the Duke's son, the 
little Vicomte de Turenne. The whole work is dedicated to this 
little boy, and is designed to inspire him to emulate the virtues of 
his great-uncle (or rather, great-great-uncle). 

The Cardinal's preface is here (p. ii) and the certificate from the 
College des Ecossais (p. cl). The text as a whole has been care 
fully copied, the paragraphs slightly modified; but a large number 
of passages, some of them substantial, have been omitted, and 
although omissions are often indicated by a row of dots, they are 

10 See Maurice Ashley, CromwelFs Generals. London, 1954, pp. 190, 234. 

11 But this is a pagination relevant only to this 'piece', 

3 1 



TRANSLATOR'S INTRODUCTION 

not always so indicated, as for example on p. cxlviii (relating to 
1659 but placed under the heading of 1658) where seven pages 
(pp. 277-284) of our MS. are simply passed over, the 'loose ends' 
being joined by a few words of paraphrase. Some of these omis 
sions are trifling, others fairly important. Here is a summary : 12 

1654. MS. p. 1 1 8 : there are a few minor omissions in Ramsay, p. Ixxv. 
MS. p. 123 line 9 to p. 124 line 5 are omitted in Ramsay p. Ixxviii. 
MS. p. 1 40 line 5 to p. 141 line 25 are omitted in Ramsay p. Ixxxvii. 
MS. p. 163 line 21 to p. 164 line 4 are omitted in Ramsay p. xcix. 

1655. MS. p. 181 line 14 to the bottom of the page (line 29) are omitted 
in Ramsay p. cviii. 

MS. p. 195 (relating to 1656). The opening lines (iio) are 
omitted in Ramsay, p. cxv (How Mazarin and the Queen explained 
to James the difficulty arising out of the treaty with Cromwell). 

1656. MS. p. 195 line 28 to p. 196 line 6. This passage, which describes 
James's first meeting with Mistress Hyde, is omitted in Ramsay 
p. cxv. 

MS. p. 196 line 25 to p. 198 line 9 are omitted in Ramsay p. cxvi. 
MS. p. 199 line 18 to end of p. 121 are omitted in Ramsay (this 
includes the encounter with Lockhart). 

1657. MS. p. 212 line 14 to bottom of page (16 lines) are omitted in 
Ramsay p. cxxii. Ramsay slightly rewords the first four lines of 
p. 213. 

MS. p. 219 line 28 (at bottom), all pages 220 and 221 to p. 222 
line 17 are omitted in Ramsay p. cxxvi. 

MS. p. 228 from line 7, all p. 229 and to p. 230 line 23 (the 
anecdote about Reynolds), are omitted in Ramsay p. cxxix. 

1658. MS. pp. 232-236 inclusive and to p. 237 line 5 (Lord Bristol's plan 
for the invasion of England and advice to James regarding his 
policy towards the Spaniards). All this is omitted by Ramsay, 
middle of p. cxxix. R. resumes at MS. p. 237, line 7. 

1659. MS. P- 2 77 line n to p. 284 line 16 (Hopes of a Royalist 
insurrection in England; disappointment; Charles IPs journey 
to the Spanish frontier). These portions, about 7 pages, are 
omitted in Ramsay p. cxlviii, where we read: 'Tous ces projets 
echouerent. Le Roi Charles alia incognito en Espagne, ou Ton 
travailloit a la Paix des Pyrnnees (sic). Le Due d'Yorck se retira 
a Boulogne sur mer.' And from this point the MS. is reproduced. 

12 See also the accompanying Concordance. 

32 



TRANSLATOR'S INTRODUCTION 

CONCORDANCE FOR THE 
CAMPAIGNS OF THE DUKE OF YORK 



Year 


MS. 
Campagnes 


Ramsay, Histoire 
de Turenne. Vol. 


Eng. trans. History 
of Turenne Vol. II 


Life, ed. J. 
S. Clarke (1816) 




(1696) 


ii (i 735 ) 


(*735) 


Vol. I 


1652 


pp. 1-85 


pp. iii-lvii 


pp. 343-4<H 


pp. 54-157 




(events in 


(events in 1653 








1653 begin 


begin on p. Iv) 








on p. 81) 








i653 


87-115 


Ivm-lxxiii 


404-426 


159-191 


1654 


116172 


Ixxiv-ciii 


427-461 


192-244 








("1653** is printed 










in error at the head 










of certain pages.) 




1655 


173-194 


ciii-cxv 


461-475 


245-266 


1656 


195-201 


cxv-cxvi 


475-477 


267-287 






(A great deal 




(A full account, 






omitted, including 




containing ma 






the meeting with 




terial not in the 






Anne Hyde and 




MS., but not the 






the encounter 




meeting with 






with Lockhart.) 




Anne Hyde.) 


1657 


202231 


cxvi-cxxix 


477-492 


288-329" 










(A fuller account 










than in the MS.) 


1658 


232276 


cxxix-cxlviii 


492-513 


330-368 






(On p. cxxxv 










Conde's remark to 










the Duke of 










Gloucester is 










altered and 










"improved.") 






1659 


277-290 


cxlviii-cl 


514-516 


369-380 


(and 


The entry 


Beginning on 






1660) 


for 1660 


p. cxlviii, 7 pages 








begins on 


of the MS. (277- 








p. 289. 


284) are omitted 










and all this part 










is headed 1658, 










although it really 










belongs to 1659. 










Pp. 288-290 of the 










MS. are omitted. 










Nothing for 1660 


Nothing for 1660 


[1660] 381-382 



33 



TRANSLATOR'S INTRODUCTION 
MS. p. 286 lines 3 to 12 (choice of an English port at which to 
land). Omitted in Ramsay, p. cxlix. 

MS. p. 286, last line, and all of pp. 288, 289, and 290 are omitted 
by Ramsay, who concludes his edition of James's memoirs at the 
point where Turenne advises James to take patience and wait, 
gives him 300 pistoles and a passport (MS. p. 287, Ramsay 
pp. cxlix, cl). In brief, the offer to James of a naval command under 
the Spaniards, his preparation to go to Spain, and finally the events 
leading up to the Restoration do not figure in Ramsay. 

To sum up: Ramsay generally leaves out of his edition all 
passages not of military interest; passages that concern James's 
private life or encounters with compatriots ; and those that relate 
to Bristol's intrigues. His edition is therefore less valuable than 
our MS. and of course much less compendious than the Life 
(ed. Clarke). It has, however, been valuable as an historical source 
and was used for this purpose by the editor of Turenne's Memoires 
and by others. In transcribing the MS. Ramsay took a liberty in 
two instances. At the top of p. 6 where James says that in the 
spring of 1652 the Spanish army crossed the Seine at Mantes 
with a view to joining the Princes' army *qui estoit alors assemble 
aux environs de . . .', he left the place a blank. Ramsay inserted 
'Montargis', which may be correct. The other instance seems to 
have hitherto escaped everyone's notice, perhaps because it con 
cerned the critical hour preceding the battle of the Dunes (1658) 
and because Ramsay's text has been considered authentic as in 
deed it seems to be in other respects. On the evening prior to the 
battle Conde had warned the Spanish generals that Turenne and 
the English would certainly fight them. The Spaniards remained 
slightly incredulous. About 5 a.m. next morning the Anglo- 
French army was seen to be advancing. Cond who, all along, had 
been aware of the extreme peril of the situation, was now on horse 
back near Prince James and Prince Henry. James writes (MS. 
pp. 249-250): *. . , et voiant le Due de Glocester [Henry], il 
[Conde] luy demanda s'il s'estoit jamais trouv6 une battaille. II 
respondit que non et le Prince luy dit dans une demie heure vous 
en verrez une.' This was so evident that one wonders whether 
Conde did not really say something better. Ramsay seems to have 
thought so, because he boldly altered it (one wonders on what 

34 



TRANSLATOR'S INTRODUCTION 

authority) so that on p. cxxxv of his edition we read: '& le Prince 
lui dit: dans une demle heure vous verrez comment nous en perdrons 
uneS (The italics are Ramsay's.) This is much better, and there is 
little doubt that it is what Conde was thinking-, but it is not in the 
MS., or in Clarke. Some of the best historians have gleefully 
seized on it and perpetuated it; and it has come as a shock to the 
present writer to discover that, if Ramsay had any authority for 
taking such a liberty with James's MS. -for, in other words, so 
brilliantly improving upon history-he does not cite it. But he 
lived in an age of wits. 

Ill (b). The contemporary English translation of Ramsay's 
Histoire de Turenne is the work of a man well conversant with 
French and master of an English style that is concise, vigorous, 
masculine. I doubt whether it could be equalled today, and I see 
no mistake in it, except possibly in the rendering in one place of 
the difficult word 'insuite'. The translator knew that 'insulter' not 
only meant 'to insult' in the modern sense, but 'to deliver a physi 
cal attack', 'to assault'. Thus, he translates the phrase: 'dans le 
dessein d'insulter un ouvrage avance . . .' (MS. p. 20, Ramsay, p. 
xiv) by: 'with a view to batter an advanced work' (English version, 
p. 356). In the place where the members of the English court, then 
lodged in the Louvre, dared not even look out of the windows, 'de 
peur de s'attirer quelque insulte, ou au moins quelques injures', 
on account of the animosity of the Parisians (MS. p. 33, Ramsay 
p. 23), the translation reads: 'for fear of some insult, or at least 
some abusive language' (p. 366). The word 'insult' could still 
mean 'to leap upon' (cf. the sense in Latin), and this meaning, 
which is very near that of the French text, is given by Dr. Johnson 
in his Dictionary (1783). 

The passage about Anne Hyde is of course absent from the 
English translation, and the probably apocryphal remark that 
Ramsay attributed to Conde is naturally and in good faith repro 
duced on p. 499 : 'in half an hour's time you will see how we shall 
lose one [a battle].' The translator made one slip in connection 
with the movements of the French and English to blockade 
Dunkirk. The French having invested the place by land, the 
Spaniards could not relieve it from the sea, 'parce que', as we read 
in the MS., p. 241, and in Ramsay, p. cxxxi, 'la flotte Angloise 

35 



TRANSLATOR'S INTRODUCTION 

commandee par le General Montaigu, fermoit Tentree du port'. 
The English version (p. 494) reads 'General Montaigne', a 
curious error. Sir Edward Montagu, a very prominent man, had 
been joint-commander of the Commonwealth navy since 1^655. 
Less than two years after the siege of Dunkirk, he was to bring a 
fleet over to Holland to transport Charles II and the Royal family 
to Dover. Charles created him Earl of Sandwich. It was through 
him that Samuel Pepys, who was his cousin, became Secretary to 
the Navy Board. 

In view of the consideration that, as the above analysis has 
shown, the greater part of the French manuscript appears to be a 
close translation of a text identical with the text printed by Clarke 
always allowing for occasional paraphrase, abbreviation, and 
omission -it has been thought impracticable to translate the whole 
of it back into English. The gain to scholarship would have been 
negligible. It was therefore decided to translate the entry for 1 652, 
which is the longest, while keeping an eye on the corresponding 
pages in the Life and inserting in square brackets those passages 
from the Life of which the French text is a literal translation. For 
the years 1656 and 1657 the differences were sufficiently marked 
to justify a complete retranslation. While it would have been vain 
to attempt an absolute reconstruction, the translator has tried to 
use language not too far remote from what the original must have 
been. 

The entries for the other years have been reprinted from the 
Clarke edition ; so that the reader now has before him a complete 
English version of James's military memoirs, a version based on 
the Bouillon MS. 5 which is the only record of the period that we 
can regard as authentic. 

James writes plainly and conscientiously, though without 
much distinction. His comments are of the driest; he has none of 
the good-natured and cynical wit of his elder brother. What a 
relief to turn from his pages to the shrewd and brilliant memoirs 
of Mademoiselle de Montpensier, and Retz, and Bussy-Rabutin, 
or to the random and vivid jottings of Aubrey, or to the sparkling 
diary of the incomparable Pepys! But this is to compare James 
with some of the most brilliant prosateurs who have ever lived. 
One is reminded, in reading him, of a witty Frenchman's descrip- 

36 



TRANSLATOR'S INTRODUCTION 

tion of Simonides' dilemma when he was asked to compose an 
epigram on a great athlete: 'II trouvait son sujet plein de details 
tout nus.' James's 'campaigns' are indeed full of details innocent 
of adornment. Add to this a complete lack of verve in the syntax, 
and it requires much self-denial to leave his language alone : that 
is, to put it back into the kind of English he habitually wrote. Of 
style, he had nothing; and this is why he conveys so little sensation 
of reality. If the spirit of the time ever breathes in these pages, it 
is only on rare occasions when he relates an anecdote or speaks of 
the 'civilities' that were exchanged between officers of opposing 
armies. One would never guess, from James's record, that life in 
those days was extraordinarily varied, picturesque, and enter 
taining, that men and women spoke and acted with a license, an 
insouciance^ almost unknown today. The human spirit was still, to 
use modern jargon, 'uninhibited'. War was occasionally far more 
amusing than we should gather from James's memoirs, but it was 
usually far more terrible, too. Yet all this is plain enough from 
other records, and these we must consult if we are to see James's 
memoirs in their true focus and draw a picture of the age in which 
he lived. 

To turn the leaves of the old records, to compare and collate 
them, is neither dull nor tedious. These men and women were like 
ourselves, or rather like our great con temporaries -creatures ani 
mated by hope or fear, by ambition or love of money, by love of 
glory or love of God. If they were not cast in a bigger mould than 
the men of today, they were apparently less cramped by timidity 
and convention. 

Take the Cardinal de Bouillon, for whom and for the sake of 
whose family James arranged for his memoirs to be translated. To 
read the Cardinal's preface, one would take him for a timid, even 
subservient and conventional ecclesiastic. On the contrary, he had 
been haughty, imprudent, and ambitious, and he was still, at the 
age of fifty-two (he had been born in 1644), one of the most inde 
pendent-minded and rebellious spirits of the age. But it is appro 
priate that at this point we should say something about his fore 
bears and relations, something about a troubled career which, in 
the years that followed, was to agitate the French court and the 
court of Rome even more than it had agitated them in the 
past. 

37 



TRANSLATOR'S INTRODUCTION 

The family of La Tour d'Auvergne, which had possessed a 
fief in the Limousin (whence the name of Turenne), had risen to 
greatness in the sixteenth century, partly by their alliance with the 
house of Montmorency, still more by the marriage in 1594 of 
Henri de la Tour d'Auvergne, Vicomte de Turenne (i 555-1 623), 
with Charlotte de la Marck. Charlotte was the last survivor and 
heiress of those semi-independent princes who had been rulers of 
the Ardennes. 13 It was through this marriage that the Vicomte 
became Due de Bouillon and Prince de Sedan, master of these 
great fortresses and of a principality which the Papacy was^later to 
recognise as sovereign. He was a Calvinist, a companion-in-arms 
of Henri IV, and a Marshal of France. When Henri IV turned 
Catholic, the Duke remained faithful to the reformed religion. He 
was recognised in later years as head of the Huguenot party and, 
by his foundation of a Protestant Academy at Sedan, as 'pere et 
protecteur des lettres'. 

By his wife, Elisabeth of Nassau, a daughter of William of 
Orange, he had two sons: Frederic-Maurice, Due de Bouillon 
(1605-1652), and Henri, Vicomte de Turenne (1611-1675). 
Both were brought up as Calvinists. In 1623, at the age of four 
teen, Frederic-Maurice succeeded his father as Duke. He learned 
the profession of arms from his uncle, Prince Maurice, in Hol 
land; he then entered the French sendee, was promoted to the 
rank of Lieutenant-General in 1 642 and appointed to command 
the French forces in Italy. But, being implicated in the conspiracy 
of Cinq-Mars, he was arrested by order of Richelieu and would 
probably have shared the fate of the others, if his wife a woman of 
character and resolution -had not at once threatened to hand over 
Sedan to the Spaniards unless her husband were pardoned. To 
avert what would have been a catastrophe, the Cardinal released 
the Duke (1644); but, as usually happened, the former Von in 
the exchange*. Bouillon abjured the Protestant faith, was received 
with open arms in Rome and placed in command of the Papal 
army. But Richelieu remained master in France. 

The Vicomte de Turenne had in the meantime risen rapidly in 
the French service. He had fought in the Rhineland and Italy; to 
wards 1639 he was a general officer and in 1643 Marshal of 

13 The personality of William de la Marck, 'wild boar of the Ardennes, 5 will be 
familiar to readers viQuentin Durward. 

38 



TRANSLATOR'S INTRODUCTION 

France. Between 1643 anc * 1648, Turenne and the Due cTEng- 
hien (Conde) were joint-commanders in Germany. Turenne was 
victorious at Nordlingen in 1645, at Zusmarhausen in 1648. But 
in 1 649 his elder brother came back from Italy (Richelieu being 
dead) and joined the Fronde in opposition to Mazarin. Turenne 
also joined the Fronde. 

For several years the possession of Sedan was in dispute between 
the French government and the Turenne family. The government 
seized it in the end, and in 1650, when Duke Frederic-Maurice 
submitted to Mazarin, he was given titles and extensive posses 
sions, including the Duchy of Albret, by way of compensation. He 
was soon to become a trusted counsellor of the Court; but he died 
in 1652. 

He left two sons : Godefroid-Maurice, sometimes called Gode- 
froy-Marie (1641-1721), and Emmanuel-Theodose (1644- 
1715). Towards 1678 Louis XIV reinstated Godefroid-Maurice 
in the title and possession of the Duchy of Bouillon. This duke had 
a son, Emmanuel-Theodose (1667-1730), who became Grand 
Chambellan du Roi and Governor of Auvergne. This Emmanuel- 
Theodose was therefore a nephew of the Cardinal, and our MS. 
must have passed into his possession in 1715. He had a son, 
Charles-Godefroid (1706-1772), and the latter had a son, Gode- 
froid-Charles-Henri, who must have been born about 1726 or 
1 727 and who died without issue in 1 79 1. It was for this, the last 
of the Dukes of Bouillon, as a little boy, that the Chevalier de 
Ramsay composed the Histoire de Turenne. 

We may now return to the Cardinal. Born on 24 August 1 644 
he was brought up as a Catholic and embarked, while still young, 
on an ecclesiastical career. The 'abbe Due d' Albret', son of a 
Prince and nephew of a Marshal of France, might look to the 
most brilliant future. In 1658 he was a canon of Liege; in 1667 
docteur en Sorbonne. Thanks to the influence of his uncle, 
Turenne, he now became chaplain to Louis XIV, and received the 
Cardinal's hat. But in the years that followed, he was handicapped 
by the haughtiness of his character and the imprudence of his con 
duct. He found occasion to ask, on behalf of a nephew, for part of 
the county of Auvergne which had been assigned to the Duke of 
Orleans. The request was refused, and the Cardinal made no 
egret of his vexation, He did not realise that Louvois was a poten- 

39 



TRANSLATOR'S INTRODUCTION 

tial, if not actual enemy, and he had not learned that a wise man 
should never, even in a private and confidential letter, express 
views that may give offence in high quarters. The Cardinal wrote 
a letter in which he attacked the government and criticised Louis' 
conduct; the minister intercepted it; and the punishment was 
exile. 

Emmanuel-Thfodose was not deprived of his benefices; but he 
had lost the chaplaincy and the road to further advancement was 
closed. When in 1 694 he had hopes of becoming Prince-Bishop of 
Liege, Louvois prevented his elevation to the see. What exactly 
was the Cardinal's theological position is hard to determine; but it 
seems to have been independent. The religious situation in France 
was, moreover, quite different from the situation in Spain, and 
even from the conditions prevailing in Italy, where there was more 
tolerance than in France and much more than in Spain. The Galli- 
can Church was marked by certain national traits and, while fairly 
respectful of Rome, presented some of the features of a national 
church. Louis XIV had recently acted in defiance of the Papacy: 
Innocent XI knew, and said, that one does not win souls by vio 
lence. Then, too, there were dissident elements among French 
Catholics. The Jansenist group was learned, saintly, and in 
fluential. The king might destroy Port-Royal-des-Champs, 
but he could not destroy its adherents. And he had not as he 
hoped-crushed this heresy before another began to raise its 
head. 

This was the Quietist movement. It too was learned and saintly, 
and it was supported by a great prince of the Church, Frangois de 
la Mothe-Fenelon, Archbishop of Cambrai. Bossuet, who was 
spokesman of the Gallican party, attempted to rebut Fenelon; the 
King and the Court also opposed the Archbishop; and in 1697 or 
early 1698 the Cardinal de Bouillon, who had now been taken 
back into favour, was sent to Rome as the government's emissary. 
The credit he enjoyed at the Papal court may have had 
something to do with the king's choice of him: he had been 
bishop of Albano since 1689 and was now sub-dean of the 
College of Cardinals. His orders were to defend the Gallican 
position and press for the condemnation of Fenelon ; but he was 
a great friend of the Archbishop and in the event, instead of 
attacking him, he appears surreptitiously to have worked in his 

40 



TRANSLATOR'S INTRODUCTION 

favour. 14 He failed^ it is true, to prevent the condemnation of the 
Quietists, 15 but this apparently did him no harm in Rome. He 
had become Bishop of Ostia in December 1698, and was now 
Dean of the Sacred College. 

In Paris it was another story; and one can understand the con 
sternation his procedure had provoked there. He was ordered to 
return, but now demurred to obeying. As Dean of the College his 
duties, he alleged, required his remaining in Rome. Paris took a 
different view; and when Louis ordered the seizure of his bene 
fices, the Cardinal felt obliged to comply. He was exiled to his 
abbey at Tournus. Bat by this time, it may be supposed, the high 
handed policy of Louis XIV had alienated a man who, whatever 
his faults of character, had inherited from his ancestors a sense of 
personal dignity and a great spirit of independence. He began to 
correspond with foreign powers and in 1710 took refuge in 
Flanders and wrote a personal letter to the king. The Parlement 
de Paris immediately ordered his arrest, and his estates were 
sequestrated. For some time he appears to have wandered abroad; 
but Clement XI interceded for him and obtained the restitution of 
his revenues, the Cardinal being permitted to go into retirement 
in Rome. He was now an old man and in no condition to give 
further trouble. 

It was in Rome on 16 February 1715 (I infer he had recently 
arrived) that he found the MS. translation of the Duke of York's 
military memoirs a MS. he had thought he would never see 
again. It was a document that bore witness to the greatness of his 

14 Alfred Rebelliau, one of the great authorities on the religious history of the age, 
points out that Bouillon was 'tres mecontent du Roi' as well as 'fier et independant 5 ; 
also that he was in close relations with the Italian Jesuits who were freer than the 
French to support Fenelon (see Lavisse, Histoire de France, VIII, Part I, 307-308). 

15 Innocent XII had appointed a committee often Cardinals to examine the ques 
tion whether Fenelon's Explication des Maximes des Saints (1697) should be con 
demned or not. They discussed the problem at length and when at last the matter 
came to a vote, five were for and five against. The Pope, greatly embarrassed, opined 
that 'the Archbishop of Cambrai has sinned through excessive love of God, the Bishop 
of Meaux [Bossuet] has sinned through lack of love of his neighbour'. Rome was 
clearly then in favour of Fenelon; but Louis wrote urgently and imperiously to the 
effect that Fenelon must be condemned. The question was therefore re-examined, 
and after several weeks a brief (not a bull) was promulgated in which his Holiness 
censured the book, but did not call it heretical and did not name F&ielon; moreover 
the brief was drafted by the Cardinals who were favourable to Fenelon (P. Janet, 
Ftnelon, Paris, 1 892, pp. 97-98). 

41 



TRANSLATOR'S INTRODUCTION 

uncle-and of the princely house to which he belonged. Rapidly, 
anxiously, and in a large hand that becomes almost illegible in the 
last few lines, he wrote a preface explaining the circumstances in 
which the translation had been made for him. A fortnight later, 
on 2 March 1715, he passed away. 

The reader may be surprised at the terms of reverence in which 
he speaks of James. Was he ignorant of the late king's character, 
of his incontinence and ineptitude, and of the low opinion the 
French had formed of him? It is hard to suppose so. What seems 
likely is that he had respected in James, on the one hand the 
gallantry of his behaviour in the French army and on the other 
'the divinity that doth hedge a king'. In the seventeenth century 
the doctrine of divine right had a serious meaning and a certain 
validity. It strengthened, in times of disorder, the principle of 
legitimacy in government and offered some guarantee against 
anarchy. A king reigns, even if he does not govern, by the grace 
of God. Those who clung to this doctrine were wiser than they 
perhaps realised. Thanks largely to it, the era of violence was still 
hidden in the future. 

It would be interesting to learn whether, in the course of his 
sojourn in Flanders (1710-?), the Cardinal de Bouillon had 
ever met the future Chevalier de Ramsay; whether, even, it was 
through the Cardinal that Ramsay entered the service of the Due 
de Bouillon. A common association with Fenelon lends point to 
the question-one dare hardly say the conjecture. 

Andrew Michael Ramsay 16 (1686-1743), some of whose an 
cestors may have been gentlefolk, 17 was a graduate of Edinburgh 
University. In 1706, when about twenty years of age, he was with 
the British army in the Netherlands and here -possibly in Holland 
-in a milieu where a free, mystical speculation in matters religious 
was rife, he began to find himself detached from the Protestant 
orthodoxy of his childhood. Aware, at least, of serious difficulties, 

16 See A. Cherel, Un Aventurier religteux au X7IIP siech: Andrt-Michd 'Ramsay, 
Paris, 1926. 

17 In the Histoire de Pension, he is described as 'chevalier baronnet en Ecosse, issu 
d'une ancienne famille de ce royaume' ((Euvres completes de f^nelon^ Paris, 1852, 
vol. X [second part], p. 205). 

42 



TRANSLATOR'S INTRODUCTION 

he corresponded with theologians in different countries; and 
finally went over to the Catholic church. 18 He visited Fenelon at 
Cambrai in 1 7095 had with him many conversations which he has 
recorded, and became his literary confidant. It may have been 
through this connection that Ramsay afterwards entered the 
family of La Tour d'Auvergne as a tutor and was made a knight 
of the Order of Saint-Lazare. In 1 724 he went to Rome as tutor 
to Prince Charles Edward (the 'Young Pretender') and Prince 
Henry, the future Cardinal of York. His subsequent resignation 
of this post can be ascribed to the lack of harmony in the family and 
the intrigues that were current in the Stuart entourage. But 
Ramsay continued to benefit from his association with Fenelon, 19 
and the great name of the Archbishop continued to 'protect' 20 his 
protege long after the former had been laid to rest. It was this 
that certainly facilitated his visit to Great Britain in 1730, a visit 
expressly permitted by George IL Fenelon in fact enjoyed im 
mense prestige in Protestant circles as well as in Catholic. Ram 
say was elected a Fellow of the Royal Society, while Oxford con 
ferred on him the degree of LL.D. honoris causal 

Returning to France after these triumphs, Ramsay was ap 
pointed tutor to the Vicomte de Turenne, Godefroid-Charles- 
Henri, son of the Due de Bouillon. The Vicomte was still very 
young, probably not more than five when Ramsay became his 
governor (c. 1731). Writing towards the beginning of 1735 ^ e 
urges his pupil : 'Hatez-vous de sortir de PEnfance, & montrez de 
bonne heure que vous serez un jour digne des Heros dont le sang 
coule dans vos veines'- words that could scarcely have been ad 
dressed to a boy over nine or ten years of age. It was on behalf of 
his patrons that Ramsay had collected or consulted all the docu 
ments he could find relative to the life of the great Marshal. The 
outcome was a magnificent work of scholarship, the first volume 
containing a biography of Turenne (pp. 1-597)5 while in the 
second Ramsay printed Turenne's own Memoires (pp. iii- 

18 Ibid.* pp. 205-206, but see H. G. Martin, Fenelon en Hollande, Amsterdam, 
1928, p. 140. 

19 He had published a Fie de Fenelon in 1 7 2 3 . 

20 Histoire de Flnelon, ed. cited, p. 206. 

21 There was some opposition which, however, Dr. King overcame when, leading 
Ramsay forward, he declared: 'quod instar omnium est, Fenelonii magni archi- 
praesulis Cameracensis alumnum praesento vobis.' 

43 



TRANSLATOR'S INTRODUCTION 

clxxxvii) ; the Relation de la Campagne de Frilourg, by the Marquis 
de la Moussaye (pp. clxxxviii-ccix), and various 'Pieces justifica- 
tives', which include a selection of letters, Flechier's Oraison 
funebre, and the military memoirs of the Duke of York. This work, 
which Ramsay dedicated to his young pupil, appeared in Paris, 
"Chez la Veuve Mazieres & J. B. Gamier, Imprimeurs et 
Libraires de la Reine, rue Saint- Jacques, a la Providence'. It was 
immediately, as we have seen, translated into English and pub 
lished in London. 22 It has been only through this book and its 
French original that scholars have hitherto had knowledge of the 
Campagnes de Jacques Stuart (our MS.), and that only in a form 
that is truncated and in one place inaccurate. Not that this remark 
should be taken as disparaging to the distinguished author of the 
Histoire de Turenne. Ramsay was justly admired for the import 
ance of his works and the excellence of his prose style. For the 
rest, he was fairly typical of his age : a friend of Louis Racine and 
Jean Baptiste Rousseau, a deist in Catholic clothing, and also a 
freemason. 23 

Of his pupil less seems to be known. He succeeded his father in 
the Dukedom in 1772 and died in 1791. With him expired the 
senior branch of the family. The Duchy of Bouillon had mean 
while become part of the French domain. The question of how to 
dispose of it came up in the peace negotiations of 1814 and 1815. 
At this moment a claimant to the Duchy appeared in the person of 
Philippe d'Auvergne, who appears to have been the cousin and 
adopted son of Ramsay's pupil. He was an officer in the British 
navy; but whether he had been a Royalist refugee in England or 
(which seems more likely) was descended from the junior branch 
of the family who came from Jersey and were British subjects, 24 
I have not been able to discover. The population of the Duchy 

22 'Printed by James Bettenham: and sold by A. Bettesworth and C. Hitch at the 
Red-Lion in Pater-noster Row; and T. Woodward at the Half Moon in Fleet Street. 
MDCCXXXV.* 

23 He died at Saint-Germain-en-Laye in 1743. 

24 This family derived from Edward d'Auvergne (1660-1737), who claimed 
descent from a junior member of the Bouillon family, probably back in the i6th cen 
tury. This Edward d'Auvergne (M.A, Oxford) was chaplain to the Scots Guards; he 
went through the campaigns in Flanders between 1691 and 1698, and chronicled 
them in seven volumes. In 1701 he became rector of a parish in Essex and in 1729 
married a daughter of Philip le Geyt, of Jersey. Their son, Philip d'Auvergne, had a 
large family, one of whom, a midshipman in the navy, died at Spithead in 1782. It 

44 



TRANSLATOR'S INTRODUCTION 

fully accepted his claim, and Louis XVIII supported it; but the 
Congress of Vienna assigned the Duchy to the Netherlands. 

The period of James's life covered by our manuscript Is par 
ticularly rich in memoirs and correspondence, much of which we 
owe to the principal actors in the drama. Turenne enables us to 
appreciate the intellectual character of tactics and strategy. He is 
no writer, and his language is often clumsy, though his brevity 
has its advantages. He is not vainglorious, and is never consciously 
unjust to his great adversary; but he sometimes passes over or 
ignores the exploits of his generals (Memoires du Marechal de 
Turenne^ ed. Paul Marichal, Paris, Laurens, 1914). 

Jacques de Chastenet, Marquis de Puysegur, is one of the most 
reliable memorialists of the age. He is far more of a writer than 
Turenne and his pages are often brightened by a quiet sense of 
humour (Memoires, ed. Tamizey de Larroque, 2 vols., Paris, 
1883). 

Roger de Rabutin, Comte de Bussy, gives a clear and business 
like account of the operations in which he was engaged. He 
systematically records the dates which are so often missing in 
Turenne's memoirs, and thus enables us to check the dates given 
by James, Puysegur, and Montglas. His occasional outbursts of 
levity should not deceive one as to the solid historical value of his 
narrative. It seems evident that he kept a day-to-day diary. His 
faults of character were grave and the many people whom he 
offended saw to it that he received the minimum of recognition 
for his services. But the virtues, the wit, and even the peccadilloes 
which amused his amiable cousin, Madame de Sevigne, have also 
endeared him to posterity (Memoires de Roger de Rabutin, ed. 
Ludovic Lalanne, 2 vols., Paris, 1857). 

For the Prince de Conde, whose career stands in a class apart, 
the documentation is immense : his personal correspondence with 
Lenet and others, in the Conde archives at Chantilly and in the 
Bibliotheque Nationale; La Moussaye's Relation*, Woerden's 
Biographie\ Desormeaux' Histoire de Louis de Bourbon; Le Pere 
Bergier's Actions memorables, etc. ; and vols. IV, V, and VI of the 
Due d'Aumale's Histoire des Princes de Conde (Paris, 1889-96). 

seems not unlikely that the Philippe d'Auvergne, who was an adopted son of the last 
Due de Bouillon, was a child of the Philip d'Auvergne just mentioned. 

45 



TRANSLATOR'S INTRODUCTION 

The best recent works are by the Honourable Eveline Godley, 
The Great Conde (London, 1915)? an admirable biography; and 
by Georges Mongredien, Le Grand Conde (Paris, 1959). 

The Memoires of Francois VI, Due de la Rochefoucauld, one of 
the great writers of France, cover the period 1624-1652, and 
only the last year or two of them really concern us (ed. Gilbert and 
Gourdault, in vol. II of the (Euvres completes, Paris, 1 874). 

The Memoires of the Cardinal de Retz are invaluable for the 
political history of France from about 1638 (although they begin 
earlier) to 1653. His 'Remontrance au Roi', written late in 1657 
to protest against the handing over of Mardyck to the English, 
reveals for all its one-sidedness extraordinary political prescience. 
As an observer of men and affairs he is shrewd and penetrating, 
and he is a wonderful portraitist (see (Euvres completes, ed. 
Feillet, Gourdault, and Chantelauze; also ed. Allem and Thomas, 

Paris, 1955). 

Anne-Marie-Louise d'Orleans, 'la Grande Mademoiselle', 
wrote what is virtually an autobiography, rich in observations on 
the social and political life of her times. It is less informative re 
garding the war, except for the year 1652 when she alone, in the 
affair at the Porte Saint-Antoine, saved Conde's army from 
destruction. (Memoires, ed. Cheruel, 4 vols., 1891. See Arvede 
Barine, La Jeunesse de la Grande Mademoiselle, Paris, 1909, and 
Philippe Amiguet, La Grande Mademoiselle et son siecle, Paris, 



There are of course many other sources : the military memoirs 
of Montglas, La Tremoille, and Tavannes; the civilian memoirs 
of Omer Talon, Conrart, and others; the correspondence of 
Turenne, Mazarin, and Cond6; the official Gazette \ La Mes- 
nardiert's Relations guerrieres, etc., etc. 

For the nature and principles of war as conducted in the cam 
paigns described by the Duke of York, see Commandant Julien 
Brosse's commentary which is published in Marichal's edition of 
the Memoires de Turenne (1914), vol. II, xxvii-xxxiv. The pri 
mary object of a commander was not to destroy the enemy's forces 
but to wear him down by a process of attrition. Hence there were 
few decisive victories. The main purpose was to secure possession 
of fortified towns in hostile territory. These enabled one not only 
to live off the country but to deprive the enemy of food and forage, 



TRANSLATOR'S INTRODUCTION 

exhaust his supplies, and thus after a few years compel him to sign 
peace. We therefore find that sieges play a more conspicuous part 
than pitched battles. If in 1658 Turenne decided to offer battle to 
the Spaniards, this was because the exigencies of the political 
situation, and the massive reinforcements he had received from 
England, rendered the move advisable. The result was an over 
whelming victory; and if it did not actually end the war, it brought 
the end within sight. 

It is a pleasure to acknowledge the support and assistance I 
have received in preparing this edition. My wife first pointed out 
to me the interest and importance of the manuscript which Mr. 
Randall had discovered ; and the Director and the Faculty Com 
mittee of the Indiana University Press did me the honour of en 
trusting me with the work. In handling the long entry for 1652 I 
received most helpful secretarial assistance from Mr. Stanley 
Gray; while for the rest, and indeed a large part, of the secretarial 
work, I have been indebted to Mrs. Gray and Mrs. Margaret 
Lauer, both of whom took a personal interest in a project which 
has been necessarily complex. My sincere thanks go also to Pro 
fessor Leo Solt for comparing the French manuscript with the 
English translation of Ramsay's Vie de Turenne^ to Sir Arthur 
Bryant for the introduction which he has so kindly contributed ; 
and to the staff of the Indiana University Press for their encour 
agement and advice. 

Bloomington, Indiana A.L.S. 

January 1961 



47 



THE MILITARY MEMOIRS OF 
THE DUKE OF YORK 



Extracted word for word from the 
memoirs of James Stuart Then "Duke of Tork, 

and since 

J^ing of England*, James Second: 

from 1652 inclusively till 1660, the year 

in which "The ^ing of England Charles Second 

his brother was re-established 
On the throne of Qreat ^Britain: 

These ^Memoirs 
written by Him self in English, and Translated 

into French in his presence, 
The Translation (Corrected by Him self,, 
were given by the very hand of this sacred 
at St Qermain en Laye the 2jth of January, 

to 
Smmanuel Theodose de la Tour d y ^uvergne y 

Cardinal de 'Bouillon 3^ephew of 

Henry de la Tour d'zAuvergne, Vicomte de Turenne, 

of whom His ^Majesty speaks so honourably in the 

whole course of these nine years, and especially 

in the course of the (Campaigns which this 

great ''Prince waged under the Vicomte de Turenne 

in i6j2> 16) '$, i6f4, *6jJ> who even did him the 

honour until he was made Lieutenant Qeneral 

in 16^4, 

of having no other quarters^ or lodging, 
than those which were assigned for the (general 



Treface of the C ar dinal "Bouillon 



King of England James II having done me the honour 
of relating to me, in the year 1695, several particulars, and a 
few considerable actions in the life of the late Monsieur de 
Turenne, my uncle, which were unknown to me, not being re 
ported in the memoirs I have of him, written in his own hand: 
I took confidence to testify to this Prince that I was very sorry my 
profound respect for him did not permit me to beg him very 
humbly to be kind enough, by the friendship he retained for the 
late Monsieur de Turenne, to set down in writing, at the hours 
that would be least inconvenient to him, the particulars and 
actions of which I had no knowledge; and I added that I should 1 
take the liberty of asking this favour of any one but his Majesty, 
whom I must respect even more than the memory of the late Mon 
sieur de Turenne which I had regarded until that moment as the 
thing that was most dear to me in the world. Whereupon his 
Majesty, by a quite particular act of a goodness and generosity 
without equal, told me that he would do me this favour with joy, 
as soon as it should be possible, even confiding to me that, as he 
had already written pretty exactly year by year in English the 
memoirs of his own life, he would extract and put into French all 
that concerned the campaigns in which he had served in the 
French Army commanded by Monsieur de Turenne and those in 
which he had next served in the Spanish Army, in the Nether 
lands, until the declaration of the Peace of the Pyrenees and the 
re-establishment of King Charles II his brother on the throne of 
Great Britain. I was agreeably surprised on the twenty-seventh of 
the month of January of the following year, 1696, when having 
gone to St. Germain-en-Laye to pay my respects to this great and 
sacred King, he led me into his cabinet where he told me he had 
brought me, in order to keep the promise he had made the pre- 

* This preface is found at the beginning of the Duke of York's Memoirs, and it is 
written in the Cardinal de Bouillon's own hand. 

1 . . . , et je lui adjouta7 que je prendrais la liberte de demander cette faveur a tout 
autre qu'a sa Mte, que je devois encore plus respecter, etc.' He was not venturing to 
ask, but only to hint that he would like to ask. 



PREFACE OF THE CARDINAL BOUILLON 

vious year, and at the same time put into my hands the present 
book, in which he assured me he had collected all that he had ob 
served in his Memoirs regarding the late Monsieur de Turenne 
from the year 1652 inclusively to 1660; and that he made me a 
gift of it, as much in respect to the memory of the late Monsieur de 
Turenne which he told me must, all his life, be very dear and very 
precious to him, because he regarded him as the greatest and most 
perfect man he had ever known and the best friend he had ever 
had ; 2 as in respect to the friendship with which he honoured me 
in particular, charging me in the meanwhile never, during his life 
time, to permit anyone to read these memoirs. 3 After rendering 
his Majesty very humble thanks 4 for this benefit, I promised to 
execute what he had just ordered me, and I have very faithfully 
observed it as long as he lived. This gift from the hand of so great 
a King appears to me so considerable and so honourable for the 
memory of the late Monsieur de Turenne and for the whole of 
our house, that from that day, as I had the honour to tell his 
Majesty on receiving from him this precious gift, I made the 
resolution to bequeath 5 it one day in perpetuity to the eldest son 
of our house : and this is what I do today, being at Rome the six 
teenth of the month of February of the year one thousand seven 
hundred and fifteen, having by an act 6 of Divine Providence once 
more found this precious book which I believed I should never see 
again. 7 

Le Cardinal de Bouillon, Den du Sre colge. 8 

2 This passage strikingly confirms the affection and admiration which James else 
where expresses for Turenne. 

3 *. . . me recommandant cependant de ne donner jamais a qui que ce soit, durant 
son vivant la lecture de ces memoires.' 

4 de tres humbles actions de graces' strictly, 'thanksgiving', a term appropriate to 
the person of a sacred Majesty. 

5 'le substituer', in the legal sense, to bequeath or entail. 

6 f par un effet de la Providence Divine.* (Cf. above fi par un effet tout particulier 
d'une bonte . . . etc.'.) Effet' was commonly used in die sense of 'act' in the iyth 
century. Corneille has: c Les effets de Cesar valent bien ses paroles' (Pompee, Act 
V, v. 1 50). 

7 This suggests that he had left the book in some lodging or with a friend in Rome 
and that, being aware of his approaching end, had feared he would not see it again. 
He however found it in time to bequeath it to his family; and his death took pkce on 
2, March, that is, a fortnight after he had written these words. 

8 The signature is hard to read, except for the words 'Bouillon' and 'Den du Sre 
colge' ='Doyen du Sacre College.' He had been Dean of the College of Cardinals 
since December 1698. 

S3 



(Certificate from the ^Administrators 
of the Scottish C^ e g e f 



WE the undersigned, Priests and Administrators of the 
Scottish College in the University of Paris, to wit, Louis 
Inesse,, formerly first Chaplain to the late Queen of Great Britain 
and former Principal of the College, Charles Whytford, Principal, 
Thomas Inesse, Vice-Principal, George Inesse, Procurator and 
Alexander Smith, Prefect of Studies in the same College, certify 
to all those whom it may concern that the accompanying Memoirs 
of the late King James II of Great Britain are conformable to the 
original English Memoirs, written by the hand of his Majesty 
and preserved, by virtue of a certificate signed by his hand, in the 
Archives of our College. And we, the above named, certify more 
over that the accompanying manuscript, revised and corrected by 
the above named King James, translated by his order, given by his 
hand to his late Highness and Eminence the Cardinal de Bouillon, 
on the twenty-seventh of the month of January, 1696, and written 
by the hand of Mr. Dempster, one of His Majesty's secretaries, is 
conformable for the facts, details, circumstances, reflections and 
generally everything, except for the style only and the order of the 
relation, to a second translation of the same original English 
Memoirs made by the order of the late Queen of Great Britain, 
signed by her hand, sealed with the Seal of her arms, counter 
signed by My Lord Caryll, Secretary of State, on the fourteenth of 
November, 1704, and given on the fifteenth of January, 1705, by 
the above named Louis Inesse to his Highness and Excellence the 
Cardinal de Bouillon to serve for the history of the Vicomte de 
Turenne. In testimony whereof we have signed these presents and 
have affixed thereto the Seal of the College. Done in Paris this 
twenty-fourth of December, One Thousand Seven Hundred and 
Thirty Four. 

L. Inesse Qeo: Inesse 

Ch: Whytjord *Al: Smith 
Inesse 



MEMOIRS 

OF THE 

DUKE OF YORK 



BOOK I 

Of The Civil Wars In France 



THE Duke of York was in France in 1652 with the Queen 
his mother, when the return of Cardinal Mazarin had made 
it impossible for that Minister's enemies to reconcile themselves 
with the Court. The Duke judged that the flames of war would be 
rekindled with great violence ; and being very desirous of making 
himself fit one day to serve the King his brother in a useful capa 
city, he resolved that, if he could obtain his and the Queen's per 
mission, he would go on campaign as a volunteer in the King of 
France's army. 1 Sir [John] Berkley was the only person who did 
not oppose this design when it was first proposed ; but by dint of 
the Duke's insisting, consent was given. However, there remained 
a much greater difficulty to overcome than the first. Nothing was 
so rare as money. The French Court was then at Angers, and in 
very great straits, so much so that, but for the help of three hun 
dred pistoles that were lent him by a Gascon gentleman named 
Gautier who had served in England, he would have found it im 
possible to go on campaign. With this small sum his equipage was 

* The entry for 1652 lias been translated in extenso from the Bouillon manuscript. 
I have placed between square brackets the passages where the test of the French MS. 
is a literal translation of the original English text as reproduced in the Life (ed. 
Clarke): these passages, in brackets, are taken from the Life. It seems clear, however, 
that both the MS. and the text of the Life are based on the same original, and that the 
French MS. is a somewhat abbreviated version-as I indicate in footnotes. 

1 In place of this sentence, the Life (I, 54) reads: 'This being considered by the 
Duke who was very desirous to improve himself that he might one day be fitt to serve 
in the French King's Army as a volunteer, And tho when he made . . .'-which makes 
no sense, as J. S. Clarke saw. He appended the following note: 'Here some words 
appear to have been omitted by the Secretary, who probably intended to have 
written: "That he might one day be fitt to command, he resolved to serve," & C.- 
Editor.' A sound emendation. The French text shows what these words were. This 
supports the view that the MS. Campagnes were either translated directly from 
James's own memoirs, or dictated by him to a secretary. 

c 57 



CAMPAIGNS OF THE DUKE OF YORK 1652 

got ready. The King his brother gave him a set of six horses which 
the Lord Crofts had brought from Poland. They were too small 
for the coach, but served to mount two or three footmen and as 
many grooms. Two mules were hired to carry the camp bed and 
his small baggage to the army. The Duke was to be accompanied 
only by Sir [John] Berkley and Colonel Woerden, and he had no 
led horse, to change mounts in case of need. 

These few preparations were easily made with the secrecy that 
was needed in order not to be stopped, as he would have run the 
risk, if his intention of going to the King's army had been dis 
covered; besides which he could not fittingly take leave of the 
Duke of Orleans, his uncle, in order to go and serve in the party 
opposed to his. To avoid this inconvenience the Duke went with 
the King his brother to Saint-Germain-en-Laye under pretext of 
hunting, and after staying there two or three days he set out on the 
2 ist of April to go and join the army. 

He passed through the Faubourg St. Antoine and could go no 
further than Charenton the first night. The next day he travelled 
to Corbeil. On arriving in the suburbs he found a few companies 
of the regiment of Guards against whom the inhabitants of the 
town had closed the gates in the resolution of not letting them 
enter. Being very uncertain whether he would be received him 
self, he risked presenting himself; they made many difficulties, 
but he used persuasive words and they permitted him to enter on 
foot on condition that he should leave his horses in the suburb. 
Then, having represented to the magistrates the dangers to which 
they were exposing themselves by continuing to refuse admission 
to the King's troops, they at last let themselves be persuaded, 
although it was clear that if they had persisted, the Court, which 
was then at Melun, would have had great difficulty in taking 
possession of the place, both because of its strong situation and its 
nearness to Paris; [and had not the King by this unexpected 
means gott possession of that Town, it had much prejudiced his 
affairs, as on the contrary it prov'd afterwards a very advan 
tageous post, and was very usefull to him on Severall occasions]. 

As soon as the Court was informed that its troops had entered 
Corbeil, the Court left Melun to go there. The Duke of York had 
remained to await it and its arrival procured him a little assistance 
in money, of which he had great need, as on arrival in that town 



1652 ACTION AT BLNEAU 

he had not twenty pistoles remaining for himself and his retinue. 
His equipage was increased by one horse and two mules. He left 
the same evening for Chatres with several volunteers from the 
Court who accompanied him; [and there he found the Army, 
which arriued at that Town but some few hours before him]. 

But before beginning to relate [the actions of] this Campaign 
and of those that followed, it is necessary to go back some years 
to explain the state of affairs [as they then stood In France], 

[The Crown was reduced to a most deplorable condition in the 
beginning of this year; Few there were who preserved their 
loyalty to the King, and even they whose interest] should have 
attached them to the safety of the State, [were the chief instru 
ments] of those troubles which distracted It; [grounding them 
selves on that common and plausible pretence which has occa- 
sion'd So many Rebellions in all ages, namely. The removing 
evill Counsellors from about the person of the King; to make 
which Argument the more popular, they farther urged, how great 
a disreputation it was to France to be govern'd by a Stranger; 
when so many Princes of the blood were both more capable, and 
more proper to undertake the Ministry] than the Cardinal. These 
Princes were at the head of the malcontents and were followed by 
the greater part of the lords and the most qualified persons in the 
kingdom ; the most considerable towns and the greater number of 
the Parlements had declared for them ; and although the Due de 
Longueville had not openly taken sides it was well known that 
with the whole of Normandy he inclined to the party of the Prin 
ces, and that he only affected neutrality in order without peril to 
take sides with the stronger party. Whatever overtures were 
made him from the King's side, he always found excuses to elude 
them and to dispense himself from receiving the King in Rouen, 
when none of the most considerable towns would open its gates to 
him, and when the smallest, as witness the affair of Corbeil, fol 
lowed the same example, so generally was the poison spread 
through the whole kingdom. 

The Spaniards, who were always eager to profit by the dis 
orders in France, neglected nothing in order to foment them in 
the hope of regaining in a short time from the French Crown the 
places which had been taken from them and which had cost so 
many years, so much toil, and blood and money. It even seems 

59 



CAMPAIGNS OF THE DUKE OF YORK 1652 

very likely that they had vaster designs ; that they flattered them 
selves on entirely overwhelming that monarchy, or at least on 
weakening it to such a point that it would be incapable of attack 
ing them for a long time. But they took the wrong measures, and 
their precautions, which were always excessive, caused them to 
fail in both objects. 

[The affaires of France being in this posture, the Spaniards 
besides their large promises and making distribution of mony to 
severall of the cheif Malcontents, sent some Troopes from Flan 
ders into France under the conduct of the Duke of Nemours, to 
strengthen the Army of the Princes; he having been sent purposly 
to Brussels to demand their assistance. This Army of Spaniards 
which he led, entered France in the beginning of the spring; their 
numbers were about seven thousand men in horse and foot, and 
they pass'd the Seine at Mantes ; of which place the Duke de 
Sully was then Governour], who could, if he wished to refuse 
them passage, have greatly retarded their junction with the 
Princes' Army which was then assembled near [Montargis]. 2 

After this junction, and the taking of Angers by the King's 
troops, nothing important happened until the affair at Bleneau, 
except that Monsieur de Turenne, whom these memoirs parti 
cularly concern, anticipated the enemy's intention of possessing 
themselves of Gerveau. They had already seized a bridgehead 
and would have lost no time in taking possession of the place, 
which was only defended by a gate and a very small number of 
soldiers, if Monsieur de Turenne had not by chance arrived with 
enough troops to prevent the execution of this plan, the success of 
which they would have found very advantageous. They were ob 
liged to retire with some loss, the most considerable of which was 
that of Sirot, a Lieutenant-General, and one of their best officers. 
The Court then went to Gien, where the army passed the Loire 
and took up its quarters near Bleneau. The Princes' army ad 
vanced to Lorris. In the meantime, the Prince de Cond6 3 had 

2 There is a blank here in the MS. (p. 6) and also in the Life (p. 58). Ramsay, 
probably on good authority, supplies 'Montargis' (Mtmoires du Due d'Torck, p. v, 
in Histoirc du Ficomte de Turenne^ Paris, 1735, v l- J-D- 

3 Louis II de Bourbon (1621-1686), a prince of the Blood Royal and one of the 
most brilliant commanders of the age. After serving his apprenticeship as a soldier in 
1640 and 1641, he in May 1643 defeated a supposedly invincible Spanish army at 
Rocroi. In 1644 and 1645 he co-operated with Turenne in Germany, where they 

60 



1652 ACTION AT BLfiNEAU 

secretly started from Guyenne, where his affairs were in a bad 
state, to come to Paris where his presence was more necessary. On 
this dangerous journey he was accompanied only by four or five 
persons. Scarcely had he arrived than he was obliged to set out 
again and place himself at the head of the Princes' army; and 
having been apprised of the way in which the King's troops were 
posted, he resolved to attack them in their quarters, which they 
had been forced to extend widely for the purpose of obtaining 
forage. Monsieur de Turenne had his quarters at Briare and Mar 
shal d'Hocquincourt's 4 were at Bleneau. The latter, having had 
warning that the Princes' army was marching against him, ordered 

overcame a Bavarian and Imperialist army at Freiburg and won an overwhelming 
victory at Nordlingen. In 1648, after a campaign in Catalonia, Conde was again vic 
torious at Lens. During the troubles of the Fronde his overbearing manner at Court 
led the Queen Mother and Mazarin in 1650 to have him arrested. Released in 1651, 
he went into open rebellion and threw in his lot with the Spaniards. In the years that 
followed, the latter owed much of their success to his genius. He was however rarely 
given a free hand and, being matched against Turenne, was unable to win any such 
brilliant successes as marked his earlier and later campaigns. He was moreover handi 
capped not only by the behaviour of the Spanish generals who were hidebound by 
convention and by the preposterous habit of taking a siesta every afternoon, even in 
the presence of the enemy, but also by the fact that he himself was subject to attacks 
of intermittent fever. In 1657 he was completely prostrated and at one moment his 
life was despaired of. Yet the manner in which he struggled to remain on his feet, and 
wrote letter after letter to the Spanish generals to urge them to pay his troops and 
make adequate provision for them, inspires the highest opinion of his heroism. His 
fortunes were at their lowest ebb, yet no one was more universally admired. 

By the terms of the Treaty of the Pyrenees (1660) Conde was pardoned by Louis 
XIV and restored to possession of his estates. He was able to recondition and inhabit 
Chantilly; and here he entertained a number of the great writers and theologians of 
France. But he lived mainly for war. In 1672 he and Turenne led the French armies 
against the Dutch, and in 1 674 he defeated the Prince of Orange at Seneffe, Turenne 
was at this time in command of the army in Alsace, where he was matched against 
Montecucculi, the Emperor's most brilliant general. Fortune favoured now one side 
now the other; but in the winter of 1674 75 Turenne drove Montecucculi back into 
Baden, followed him, and defeated him at Salzbach in July. He was himself killed in 
the battle; and so great was the consternation that the Imperialists would probably 
have been able to invade France if Conde had not been brought from the north to 
replace Turenne and if he had not succeeded in retrieving the situation. 
The remaining years of his life were spent mostly at Chantilly, 
4 Charles de Monchy, marquis d'Hocquincourt, came of a Picard family. Born in 
1599, he had served in Italy, Roussillon, and Germany. He had just (1651) been 
made a Marshal of France. His character was impulsive. Once, during the Fronde, 
he suggested to the Queen that they should have Conde killed in the street. 'II avoit 
fort peu d'esprit,' according to Bussy-Rabutin: very brave, but not a good general. He 
was a connoisseur of women and horses, especially the latter: circumstances which, 
together with his slow, sententious manner, made him a butt for ridicule. 

61 



CAMPAIGNS OF THE DUKE OF YORK 1652 

his troops in case of alarm to march to the rendezvous which he 
had fixed for them between his quarters and Monsieur de 
Turenne's. He at the same time sent advance guards towards the 
enemy, and posted Dragoons at the place by which in all likelihood 
they would come. Monsieur de Turenne, having also been 
informed of this plan, went himself to meet and warn Monsieur 
d 5 Hocquincourt 3 who was the more exposed. 

The Dragoons on whom he had depended and who, he thought, 
could stop the enemy on the way, supported him as badly as his 
own opinion of them had been good, for, whether out of cowardice 
or treachery, they were no sooner attacked than they abandoned 
their post. Monsieur le Prince, pursuing his advantage, fell upon 
the quarters of Monsieur d'Hocquincourt, who did not resist long 
and was driven out, 5 but with little loss on either side. The beaten 
troops escaped under cover of night and lost all their baggage ; 
and their terror was so great that they forgot the rendezvous 
which had been given them. Night prevented the enemy from 
pursuing them. But the enemy knew that Monsieur de Turenne 
was near and they counted on beating him as soon as it was day, if 
he did not retire. And indeed both he and the whole kingdom 
were in the greatest peril. If this little army had been routed, the 
King and the whole Court would have had difficulty in not falling 
into the hands of the Princes, and everything was to be feared at 
a time when the ambition of a few great lords knew no bounds. 

As soon as Monsieur de Turenne was advised of the enemy's 
approach, he came out of his quarters and marched to the ren 
dezvous ; at the same time sending out small parties which very 
soon informed him that Monsieur d'Hocquincourt's quarters had 
been beaten up. The night was so dark that he could not know 
what position he had taken up. It was dangerous to advance, the 
enemy being so near, and retreat was no less hazardous, because 
he was insufficiently acquainted with the country. He was afraid 
of intimidating his troops and throwing them into confusion. He 
decided to remain where he was, in the hope of giving those of his 
men who were scattered time to rejoin him. When at early dawn 

6 c et fut force,' i.e., worsted and driven out. The Life (I, 60) has: 'the Enemy . . . 
beat them up.' The term was then used commonly in this sense. Cf. Lovelace, 'The 
Falcon': 'The dogs have beat his quarters up,' meaning that they have started a heron 
and forced him to take wing. 

62 



1652 ACTION AT BLfiNEAU 

he caught sight of the enemy, he observed very joyfully that he 
could occupy a most advantageous position, where they could only 
attack him by passing through a very narrow defile. 

Behind this defile he drew up his little army in battle order, 
having a wood on one flank and a large pond on the other. Some 
of the officers suggested that he should post small parties of in 
fantry along the wood, so as better to defend the pass. He did not 
follow this advice because, as he afterwards told the Duke of 
York, the enemy's infantry was half as numerous again as his own, 
and they would have had no great difficulty in driving his men 
from the wood. This would force him to go to their help and have 
involved him so deeply that he would have been unable to avoid 
having his whole army defeated. He thought it better to leave the 
wood unoccupied and he drew back more than a musket shot be 
tween the wood and the defile, and in this position awaited the 
enemy w r ho, seeing him take measures that were so sound, durst 
not attack him. Both sides remained in battle order, contenting 
themselves with watching each other and firing with their cannon ; 
until Monsieur de Turenne making as if to withdraw, the enemy 
thought this a good opportunity for attacking him and marched 
in battle order to the defile. Fifteen or twenty squadrons had 
already passed through, when Monsieur de Turenne suddenly 
turned round, marched upon them and forced them to retreat in a 
disorder and haste that were the greater because they had no other 
choice if they were to avoid being entirely cut to pieces ; and as 
most of their army had advanced near to the defile, the King's 
army now took up its former position and with its cannon wrought 
terrible execution upon the enemy who were crowded together, 
one upon the other. This cannonade went on for the rest of the day. 

Towards evening [the troopes of Mareschall d'Hocquincourt 
came up and joyn'd with Monsr. de Turenne, while they were yet 
in presence of the Enemy, so that the party was not now so un- 
equall as before]. It is not known which withdrew first. However 
that may be, it is certain that by his conduct and firmness on this 
important occasion Monsieur de Turenne saved the State; for, 
had this little army been defeated, it had no other resource and 
would at least have suffered shocks from which it could scarcely 
have recovered. 

[After this action the Prince of Cond left the Army and went to 

63 



CAMPAIGNS OF THE DUKE OF YORK 1652 

Paris, where he was received with great applause; his party mag 
nifying the advantage he had got, above what really it was. But in 
the mean time his absence from his Army prov'd very prejudicial] 
to the interests of the Cabal ; [for there was no Commander left in 
cheif: Monsr. de Tavannes 6 commanding the Princes' troopes, 
Monsr. de Valon 7 those of the Duke of Orleans, and Monsr. de 
Clinchamp 8 ] the Spaniards. Although all three were men of 
courage and capacity, none of them -had enough brains to lead an 
army; and so it turned out as it always does when there is no 
recognised General whom all the troops obey. Although they had 
a common interest, their views were different and jealousy ruined 
everything. Monsieur de Turenne was too skilful not to profit 
from this lack of understanding between them: [for notwith 
standing that they lay not far distant from one another, he amus'd 9 
them so, that by taking great and well order'd marches (The 
Court moving at the same time) he gave them the slip, and got 
betwixt them and Paris ; and though he was to take a great com 
pass, and as it were to march round them, yet his diligence was 
such, that he arrived at] Chatres 10 [on the I4th of Aprill, when 
they were got no farther then Etampes: and hereby gave an op 
portunity to the Court of getting to Paris], as had been resolved. 
The most important members of the King's party in that city and 
even the Cardinal de Retz favoured that course. But whether the 
Court was lacking in resolution or whether the artifices of Car 
dinal Mazarin's enemies, who wanted to frighten him, prevailed, 
the Court remained at Melun and came to Corbeil about the same 
time that Monsieur de Turenne arrived with the army at Chatres, 
where the Duke of York joined him. 

6 Jacques de Sauls, Comte de Tavannes (1620-1683) had been one of Conde's 
friends at the 'Academic Royale' in 1636. Here they had studied fencing, horseman 
ship, general history, military science, and political conditions in modern Europe. The 
Academy, in short, provided a training both for war and diplomacy. He had been 
with Conde in the campaign that culminated at Rocroi (i 643), and in that which cul 
minated at Nordlingen ( 1 64 5) . 

7 Fran9ois de la Baume, Comte de Valon, was, with Tavannes and Clinchamp, to 
be one of Conde's Lieutenant-Generals at the battle of the Faubourg Saint-Antoine. 

8 Bernardin de Bourgueville, Baron de Clinchamp, was one of e The Lorrainers'. 
He had served under the Archduke Leopold in 1648, the campaign in which the 
Archduke was defeated by Conde at Lens. 

9 Beguiled. 

10 Not Chartres, as in the Life. 



1652 ATTACK ON THE SUBURB OF ETAMPES 

A few days passed without anything important happening. The 
parties that were sent out towards Etampes often brought in 
horses which they took at forage and prisoners who reported that 
the whole of the enemy's army was quartered in the city and the 
suburb. 

Mademoiselle 11 sent a trumpet to Monsieur de Turenne ask 
ing for a passport to go to Paris. She was coming from Orleans, 
[which Town by her presence and credit there, she had caus'd to 
declare for the Princes], and could not return to Paris without 
passing through both armies. Monsieur de Turenne made some 
difficulties about granting the passport without permission from 
the Court, to which he dispatched an express messenger; [but, 
before his return, having consider'd that probably he might make 
some advantage of her request, and knowing on what day she 
would be at Etampes], he sent the passport. [Having understood 
by his partys, that the Enemy had not been out at forage for two 
or three days], [he conjectur'd that on that day, which was the 
3d of May, Madmoiselle would see the Army, and that on the 
next she wou'd go away for Paris, so that he reckoned they would 
not go out to forage till the 4th; that the forage having been so 
long deferr'd would be great;] that, as most of the General Offi 
cers would not fail to accompany Mademoiselle a part of the way, 
this forage would not be carried out with great precaution : [So 
that weighing all these Circumstances, he and Monsieur d'Hoc- 
quincourt resolved to march away all night with the whole Army, 
leaving only an hundred horse and a small regiment of foot to 
guard the bagage, which was left at Chatres.] In an hour's time 
the whole army was in movement; it began to march at eight in 
the evening in great silence and good order. The design was to 
take up a position between the enemy's army and Orleans so as to 
cut off the foragers whom it was thought to find in the country in 
that direction. 

They passed the defiles before sunrise. Monsieur d'Hocquin- 
court was leading the van as it was his turn. They had to make a 
little circuit in order to get between Etampes and Orleans, and 
the army, on arrival, was beginning to draw up in battle order, 
when scouts who had been sent out in advance reported that, 

11 Anne-Marie-Louise d'Orleans, demoiselle de Montpensier (1627-1693), 
daughter of Monsieur, the King's uncle. 

65 



CAMPAIGNS OF THE DUKE OF YORK 1652 

instead of being at forage, the enemy's army was in battle order a 
league distant, in a plain above Etampes. It was immediately 
decided to march against them with the intention of fighting; but 
as soon as the enemy perceived the King's army on the heights, 
their advance having been hitherto unknown, they began to with 
draw into the town. The cavalry were sent forward at full trot in 
the hope of charging their rear guard before it could get under 
cover, and the infantry and cannon were ordered to follow with all 
possible diligence. 

Instead of having gone to forage that day, as had been ex 
pected, the enemy had brought out their army in order to show it 
to Mademoiselle, who was to leave in the morning. When their 
Generals saw the King's army, they asked for her advice. She 
replied that they had to follow the orders of Monsieur, the Duke 
of Orleans, and of the Prince de Conde, and immediately set out 
on her journey. [They drew back into the Town and Suburbs 
with so much expedition, that before the two Mareschalls Tu~ 
renne and Hocquincourt had gain'd the heigth above the City, 
all the troopes of the Enemy were already in security.] In view of 
this hasty retreat, it was now decided to attack the suburbs, and 
orders were sent to the infantry to prepare for this while march 
ing, and to form detachments. 

Etampes is situated in a hollow; a little river flows under the 
walls and falls into the Seine at Corbeil. [All that side of the Town 
and suburbs, which is on the right hand as you come from 
Chatres], is commanded by a low height, and, from the top of a 
very high round tower, 12 the whole plain can be discovered. [The 
Town-wall is flank'd with small round towers, not cannon proof, 
and incompass'd only with a dry ditch on the side towards 
Chatres]. The suburb towards Orleans is covered by the river and 
by a stream which join at the Porte d'Orl6ans 5 by which gate 
alone the town has communication with the suburb. In that quar 
ter the enemy had nine regiments of infantry, among others those 
of Conde, of Conti and of Burgundy, the auxiliary troops from the 
Netherlands, namely those of Berlo, Pleure, Vange, La Motte, 13 
Pelnitz, etc., and about five hundred horse. They had entrenched 

12 This tower was in the town, a fact that appears later. 

13 The Life (I, 66) reads 'Vange la Motte.' Vange and La Motte were really 
separate persons. 

66 



1652 ATTACK OX THE SUBURB OF ETAMPES 

themselves, being protected by the stream, which covered all one 
side except for a small space near the gate where they had raised a 
line of earthworks. [As soon as the King's foot came up, they fell 
on Immediately, scarse staying till their canon had fir'd two or 
three shott at the Enemys retrenchments, which was rather done 
to let them see they had cannon, then for any execution they ex 
pected from them. Monsieur d'Hocquincourt's foot had the right 
hand, so that their attack was made where the brooke was]. They 
marched to the edge of the brook under fire of the enemy; but the 
officers having sounded it with their pikes and found it deeper 
than was supposed, they retired in good order and marched a 
little higher up towards the mill. 

Monsieur de Turenne ordered Monsieur de Gadagne, 14 
Lieutenant-Colonel of the Regiment de la Marine, to attack that 
side of the town on the left which, being defended only by a line 
of trenches, was carried without much resistance. [This was the 
only part that was ill maintain'd and yet was the place of the 
greatest consequence, for by losing It] the enemy had no more 
communication between the town and the suburb. Gadagne's 
soldiers immediately afterwards raised barricades across the street 
opposite the gate. [At the same time Monsr. de Turenne enter'd at 
this place all his foot, which instantly made way also for the horse ; 
at the head of which Mareschall d'Hocquincourt came In, but 
with such eager hast, that he forgott to give order to the rest of his 
wing what they should next perform, so that they were all follow 
ing him into the suburb, which being perceiv'd by Monsieur de 
Turenne, he came up to them, and stopt them all but two or three 
of the former squadrons,] which had already entered [and order'd 
them to draw off to the top of the hill where all his own horse were 
posted, because more then enow were already enter'd to second 
the foot] ; and had a greater number entered, the enemy who were 
in the town would have been able to take advantage of it by com 
ing out through the other gate and falling upon the cavalry which 
was outside, for without counting their troops in the suburb, they 
had in the town as many cavalry and infantry as there were in the 
whole of the King's army. 

14 Charles-Felix de Gallean, Comte de Gadagne (1620-1700), was a Provencal. 
He led the French infantry with great success at the battle of the Dunes (1658). His 
lordship, in the Vaucluse, was raised to the rank of a Duchy in 1 669. In 1 67 5 he toot 
service under the Venetian Republic. 

67 



CAMPAIGNS OF THE DUKE OF YORK 1652 

[In the mean time the regiment of Picardy and the rest of 
Monsr. de Hocquincourts foot] passed the brook at the mill and 
vigorously attacked the enemy, who defended themselves with 
equal vigour and, even after being forced back, resisted bravely 
from wall to wall and from post to post. In another quarter 
Monsieur de Turenne's infantry having [secured the traverse 
against the Town, turn'd immediatly to the right hand, and fell on 
the flanks of] the Regiment of Burgundy which was defending the 
line. They had made breaches in it so that six men could pass 
abreast when marching along this line. Here the enemy's resist 
ance was so vigorous that they drove back the attackers from the 
walls they had gained and chased them so far and put them into so 
great a disorder that, but for the Regiment de Turenne which 
stopped their impetuosity and gave the others time to rally, there 
was risk of losing all the advantage which had just been won. But 
the enemy's efforts having now been arrested, they were once 
again driven back from wall to wall until the last was reached. 
Here they recovered strength and for a second time repelled the 
attackers in a near-by enclosure, and wrought great carnage. 

They had been pursued this last time too hotly and in so little 
order that riders and foot soldiers were mingled pell mell. [The 
Enemy did not pursue their advantage, contenting themselves to 
have made good their last wall, whilst the King's men rallyd be 
hind the covert of the next, so that there was the space of an in- 
closure between the two partys]. They contented themselves for a 
time with firing briskly at each other. The Duke of York who was 
present at this hot attack saw an officer of the enemy named Du 
Mont, a major of Conde's, undertake an action which, had he 
been supported, might have stopped the course of victory. He 
came out, pike in hand, and advancing twenty paces, which was 
the breadth of the enclosure, exposed himself to the full fire of the 
attackers ; [but not being follow'd by any of his men, was con 
straint to return.] He repeated this dangerous manoeuvre three 
times, without receiving the least wound. This act inspired emu 
lation in the King's troops. It was dangerous to go straight to the 
breach or opening, which was defended by so many brave men. 
But an officer whose name has been forgotten went out from the 
opening in the wall on the attackers' side and, in full view of the 
enemy, advanced against the breach they were defending. He 

68 



1652 ATTACK OX THE SUBURB OF ETAMPES 

was followed by as many of his men as could get cover from the 
fire. The enclosure, as already observed, was narrow and there 
was only one wall between the two parties, A singular kind of 
battle was fought there. The wall being composed of great stones, 
the men heaved 15 them at each other, and the wall was diminishing 
notably when the King's troops, seeing a small height from which 
they could attack the enemy from the rear, fired on them to such 
good purpose that, finding themselves attacked both on the flank 
and in front, and the place being now untenable, they abandoned 
their last wall. They retired into a neighbouring Church where 
the Regiment of Picardy had also driven those it had attacked. 
They could not defend themselves and asked for quarter, which 
was granted them. Their cavalry crossed the brook and escaped, 
after losing the Baron de Briole w r ho was in command and the 
Comte de Furstemberg, both of whom were killed. 

While fighting was going on in the suburb, the enemy in the 
town made sorties to force the barricade and pressed the King's 
troops so vigorously that, had not Monsieur de Turenne himself 
advanced with a squadron of cavalry to within a pistol's shot of the 
town, to support his men, the barricade would have run great 
risk of being carried. Everything depended on this position ; its 
loss would have entailed the utter defeat of the troops which were 
then fighting in the suburb. But the very timely support which 
Monsieur de Turenne brought them, the munitions he distributed 
and the firmness of Monsieur de Gadagne rendered the enemy's 
efforts quite useless. They made two more sorties, which were 
beaten back with loss. 

Of the nine regiments of infantry which the enemy had in that 
suburb, scarcely a man escaped. Nine hundred were killed and 
1 700 taken prisoner. 16 The principal officers captured were Briole, 
Marechal de Camp, Montal who commanded Conde's regiment, 
Du Mont or Damon, a major in the same regiment, whom the 
Duke of York recognised as the same man who had distinguished 
himself with such bravery at the attack on the last wall ; Baron de 
Berlo, Marechal de Bataille, Vange, Pleur, La Motte. The King's 

16 'On se les rouloit les uns sur les autres/ But they could scarcely have rolled them 
at each other. 

16 The test of the Life is less specific. 'They kill'd above a thousand of the Enemy 
upon the place, and took a considerable number of prisoners.' 



CAMPAIGNS OF THE DUKE OF YORK 1652 

army lost at least five hundred men, but no one of special note. 
The young Comte de Quince had a musket ball through his body 
and Comte Carlo de Broglio 17 one in the arm ; but both recovered. 18 

This action was as bold as it was fortunate. The Generals would 
not have undertaken it, had they known the weakness of their 
infantry which did not amount to two thousand men, whereas it 
should have been at least 5000. The march having taken place 
suddenly and in darkness, the soldiers engaged in skirmishing 
could only join the army when the attack was over. The enemy 
had 3000 foot in the town and a similar number in the suburb, 
not counting the cavalry: but the disorder among them which 
was observed [when the King's forces] reached the high ground 
[which overlooks the suburbs], 19 the confusion in which they 
withdrew, and the absence of concerted action which is generally 
the trouble under a divided command, 20 probably decided the 
Generals to attack them. 

Had the enemy been as watchful for the mistakes made by the 
King's army, they might have taken advantage of the opportunity 
to defeat it when it was withdrawing. Monsieur d'Hocquincourt 
did not trouble to find out whether Monsieur de Turenne was 
following him with the rear guard, which it took him a long time 
to reassemble, as a great number of the soldiers were amusing 
themselves by pillaging the suburb. Monsieur d'Hocquincourt, 
however, marched with the van straight to Etrechy and made no 
halt. The enemy, by coming out of the Porte de Paris, might have 

17 'Carlo de Brole.' This was Francois-Marie, Comte de Broglie. He later came 
over to the King's side and fought under Turenne. He was Governor of La Bassee in 
1654. 

18 At this point in the Life (I, 71-72), the person who made a copy of James's 
memoirs, inserted the following paragraph, which does not of course appear in the 
French manuscript: 

'By the exact account which the Duke gives in his Memoires written in his own 
hand of every particular circumstance of this great Action, it may be observed that his 
Royall Highness (tho he never mentions his own danger) was present in the places 
where the Service was hottest, which demons trably appears by his remembring 
Monsr. Dumont when he was taken prisoner, to be the same person whom he had 
seen performing that bold action above mention'd at the last wall in the suburbs of 
Etampes.' 

19 'le d&ordre qu'on remarqua parmy eux en arrivant sur la hauteur,' which is not 
perhaps very clear. I have supplemented the text at this point by insertions from the 
Life (1, 72) which is fuller and clearer. 

20 The Life is here far more detailed and explanatory. 

70 



1652 THE SIEGE OF ETAMPES 

got between the two forces and beaten them both. But they con 
tented themselves with attacking the rear as it was retiring near 
the barricade and pressed it so hard that Monsieur de Turenne 21 
[was forced to advance with som horse to disingage] it. [When 
they had gain'd the top of the hill, My Lord Berkley] [told 
Monsr. de Turenne, that the Van was march'd away; to which he 
reply'd, shrugging up his shoulders, that it was now too late to 
remedy it]. The danger was so much greater as the army was em 
barrassed with the prisoners they were taking away. They 
marched with all possible diligence and their fear ceased only on 
arrival at Etrechy. The next day the whole army returned to 
Chatres. 

This success greatly improved the outlook for the King and 
revived the courage of the Cardinal who sent orders to Monsieur 
de Turenne to blockade the enemy in Etampes, where they were 
beginning to be short of forage. Before everything was ready, and 
as the forage round Chatres was all consumed, the army had to 
march to Palaiseau, where it remained until the 26th, when it 
went and camped near Etrechy and the next day advanced to 
within a league of Etampes. Then, on the ridge of the hill and 
within musket shot of the town, they began work on a line of con- 
travallation. As soon as the enemy perceived it, they made fre 
quent sorties to interrupt the work. [At one of which attempts 
they cutt off above a hundred of the King's workmen, before the 
guard could get a horseback, but then they were very vigorously 
repulsed by the Marquis de Richelieu 22 who commanded the 
guard]. The next day the lines were nearly finished. They could 
not but be.poor ones, on account of the soil which was very stony 
and the lack of tools to work with, and of wood, of which there 
was none at all in the vicinity. The infantry were lodged in the 
ruins of the suburb, which had been burned down by the enemy 
when they knew that the army was returning to attack them. The 
[Royall] army was camped within less than a cannon shot of the 
town, but this did not trouble it because the town lies in a hollow. 
However, from the top of the very high tower which has already 
been spoken of, [the Enemy could discern with ease all that was 

21 'The Duke being with him' (Life, 1,73). 

22 J.-B.-A. de Vignerot du Plessis, marquis de Richelieu. He commanded the 
cavaky reserve at Dunkirk in 1 6 5 8. 

71 



CAMPAIGNS OF THE DUKE OF YORK 1652 

doing in the Camp, which was of great advantage to them]. A 
bridge was thrown over the river to prevent their going for forage 
and preparations were in hand to make several others which 
would have confined them and starved them out in a short time, 
when the Due de Lorraine 23 came and upset all these measures. 

[This Prince had given the Cardinal! such assurances of his 
being in his interests, that he had sent orders to the Mareschall de 
la Ferte^then Governour of Lorraine to permitt the Duke to joyn 
togather his divided troopes ; which he had no sooner got into a 
body, but he march'd immediatly into France, and declared for 
the Princes, having had an underhand correspondence with them 
during all the time that he was treating with the Cardinall]. 

This setback obliged Monsieur de Turenne to change his plan 
and to attack Etampes with all his strength, foreseeing that, if he 
did not take it promptly, the Due de Lorraine would come to its 
aid. Considering this, the army worked with all possible diligence 
to raise batteries ; [some upon the Line, and others in the bottom, 
close to the Orleans-Gate], They fired on this and at the same time 
on the wall between the gate and the high tower with the intention 
of making a surprise attack 25 on an outwork 26 that the enemy had 
established a little nearer the gate than the tower. On the night of 
the * * * to the * * * 27 Monsieur de Gadagne with a thousand men 
attacked the place, and [after some dispute he master 'd it and 
lodged upon it without any considerable loss, tho it was distant 
from the wall of the Town but pistoll-shott]. Cavalry had been 
sent out of the camp and placed between the town and the lines on 
the side of the hill. To prevent Monsieur de Gadagne from being 
surprised in the rear, it was brought back at early dawn ; but as 

23 Charles IV, due de Lorraine (16041675). Deprived of his territories by Riche 
lieu, he had raised a private army which was very efficient, and taken service under 
the Emperor. He was a man of indifferent character. La Fert compelled him in 1663 
to come to terms with Louis XIV. 

24 Henry, due de la Ferte-Saint-Nectaire (1600-1681). He had taken part in the 
war against the Huguenots (1627-1629), and fought later in Flanders. Commanded 
the left wing in Conde's great victory at Rocroi. Lieu tenant-General 1643, Marshal 
of France 1651. Loyal to the Court but not a very good general. 

25 'dans le dessein d'insulter un ouvrage avance . . .' Richelet defines 'insulter' as 
'attaquer par un coup de main, en parlant d'une place de guerre et de fortifications*. 
It retained the sense of Latin 'insultare 5 . 

26 This outwork was 'une grande demi-lune'. (See Turenne, Mtmoires, ed. Mari- 
chal, Paris, 1909, 1, 193194). 

27 Blanks in the manuscript. 

72 



1652 THE SIEGE OF ETAMPES 

soon as the sun was up, the enemy sallied out along the ditch to 
attack the outwork in the rear while from the town they attacked 
in front; and although Monsieur de Gadagne did all that could be 
expected of a good officer, he was driven off and only with great 
difficulty made good his retreat along the ditch towards a barri 
cade which he had raised in front of the Porte d'Orleans. He was 
believed lost because he did not at once return with his men, and 
indeed he only escaped by great good fortune, having become en 
gaged in the midst of the enemy's cavalry, with only two or three 
sergeants and as many musketeers who did not abandon him and 
who, very bravely, helped him to free himself. He [came off un 
hurt, th5 he had above twenty thrusts of swords, and some of 
pikes in his buff coat], the quality of which preserved him. Mon 
sieur de Turenne had gone to the camp when all this happened, 
having been all night in the lines. As soon as he heard the alarm 
he sent forward all the infantry in his quarter and, his regiment 
arriving the first, [he commanded them to regain the outwork]. 
He immediately marched within sight of both armies; and with 
out the slightest diversion being made or a single cannon fired to 
support the attack, he advanced, preceded only by a few soldiers 
from among those who had been driven from the outwork. But a 
captain of Picardy, who was leading them, having been killed, 
they fled and carried with them the part of the musketeers on the 
left wing of the regiment. This accident was not enough to dis 
courage him. The captains took the colours in their hands and 
went at the head of their men without firing a shot until they 
reached the foot of the outwork, which was crowded with as many 
of the enemy as it could contain. Then the attackers opened fire 
with all their musketeers and, having advanced to a pike's length, 
they charged the enemy so bravely and resolutely that they carried 
the outwork and lodged themselves in it. They lost only one cap 
tain of their regiment, one or two subaltern officers and a few sol 
diers, although for a long time they had been under the fire of the 
enemy whom nothing prevented from taking good aim since, 
during the whole of this action, not a single cannon or musket- 
shot was fired from the side of the King's army; and as the soil was 
dry, one could, from the lines, see the dust which the balls, which 
were falling like hail, raised under the feet of the attackers. 

All those who witnessed this action confessed that they had 

73 



CAMPAIGNS OF THE DUKE OF YORK 1652 

never seen a bolder or livelier one. Monsieur de Turenne himself 
and the most experienced officers thought that it would have been 
impossible to push bravery so far, if the colours had not con 
tinually been carried before the soldiers 7 eyes ; and it was partly 
this which decided the regiments to obtain new ones, as the old 
corps and also the others had hitherto affected the ill-advised glory 
of having their colours so tattered that generally only the staff 
remained. The Regiment of Turenne was the only one which then 
had fairly complete colours, not excepting the French Guards, for 
there were no Swiss in that army. 

After this action it seemed as though the army would have rest 
for the remainder of the day. But the enemy, remembering the 
ease with which they had recovered the outwork in the morning, 
and considering its importance, resolved to attack it again and at 
the same time to storm the lines. About three o'clock in the after 
noon they sallied out with twenty squadrons and five battalions. 
Monsieur de Turenne, who was fortunately in the lines, com 
manded the troops to march to their posts and sent orders to all 
the infantry in the camp to come and join him. Meanwhile, to 
gain time, he sent out from the lines three squadrons under the 
Comte de Renel, to charge the first body of the enemy that was 
approaching. This he did with great firmness until, being unable 
to bear up against such uneven odds, he was pushed right back 
into the lines. The ditch was so shallow that the enemy's horse 
men, who could not enter by the avenue, jumped over it, and very 
few horses fell in. The Comte de Schomberg, 28 who was then only 

28 Armand-Frederic, Vicomte de Schomberg (16081690), was the son of Johann 
Meinhardt von Schomberg, Grand Marshal of the Palatinate. His mother was 
English. The ancestral estates had been lost as a consequence of the Elector Frederick's 
idventure in Bohemia, and the young Schomberg grew up as an exile in Holland. He 
fought in the French army at Nordlingen, and later, after the death of the Stadtholder 
William II, he and his family emigrated to France. In 1652 he purchased a company 
in the Gardes Ecossaises, and in July 1653 was made a Lieu tenant-General. He con 
tinued to serve under Turenne with the greatest distinction, particularly at the mo 
ment of the setback at Valenciennes and the difficult retreat to Le Quenoi (1656). In 
r 66 r he went to Portugal to reorganise the Portuguese army, and lead it in the war 
igainst Spain; and in the course of brilliant operations he assured the independence of 
Portugal. 

Louis XIV conferred a dukedom upon him and made him a Marshal of France, 
md he took part in the campaigns of 1677 and 1 678 in Flanders. 

Owing, however, to the persecution of his co-religionists -for Schomberg was a 
ifelong Calvinist-he decided to leave France. How he organised the Huguenot 

74 



1652 THE SIEGE OF ETAMPES 

a volunteer, was wounded in the right arm as he was standing his 
ground in the avenue, for which there was no barrier, because not 
enough wood had been found in the country to make one. At the 
time when he sent out the Comte de Rene!, Monsieur de Turenne 
himself had advanced with the two squadrons he still had towards 
the avenue, as he believed the enemy would make his principal 
attack there. Things were now in a very sad state. No troops were 
coming up to help, the enemy was approaching with three bat 
talions' and several squadrons, of which some were only a pistol 
shot away, waiting for the infantry which was only a half musket 
shot distant. To defend the lines there only remained two squad 
rons of cavalry and a few sentinels at intervals, who instead of im 
peding the enemy, displayed great weakness. There were no can 
noneers in the batteries, no hope of any considerable reinforce 
ment of infantry that might arrive in time, at a moment of such 
urgent necessity, most of the foot having been sent to the Orleans- 
suburb on account of the morning's action. An attack was believed 
so imminent that the Duke of York who was on an ambling horse 29 
did not think he had time to change his mount, although a war 
horse had been brought for him, or to put on armour. This they 
put on him while he was still mounted. There arrived at the same 
moment two hundred musketeers of the Regiment of Guards, 
which was all that could be collected in the camp. Monsieur de 
Turenne recommended them not to amuse themselves by firing 
all together but [to take good aime, which accordingly they did, 
and to so good purpose that it was beleev'd never so small a body 
of men did so great execution]. At the first volley they shot down 
so many officers and horsemen and so thinned out the ranks of the 
three squadrons that the latter thought well to withdraw. They 
next fired on the infantry, which was still advancing; but, for 
tunately, as they advanced they found a low ridge that covered 
them up to their heads, and this shelter seemed to them so agree 
able that neither exhortations, nor blows, nor threats were able to 
make them go further. They were content to keep up a heavy fire 
upon the Lines, until the Cavalry from the other quarters came up 
regiments in Holland; how he accompanied William III to London in 1688; how in 
1689 he was appointed commander-in-chief of the English army, led the operations 
in Ireland, and was killed at the crossing of the Boyne-all this is well-known to 
historians. 
'a pad' (Life, I, 79). 

75 



CAMPAIGNS OF THE DUKE OF YORK 1652 

to relieve the Lines, and the enemy then thought of retiring. 

The enemy were no more fortunate in their attack on the out 
work, for, as they had further to go, the men defending it had 
time to prepare to receive them. [Monsr. de Tracy, 30 who com 
manded the German horse which were in the seruice of the King 
of France], having been warned in his quarter of what was hap 
pening, [thought it better to go between the line and the Town ;] 
[he met those of the Enemy who were going to attack the out 
work: and tho he had but four squadrons with him, and conse 
quently was much outnumbered by them, yet he charg'd them 
so vigorously that he put them to a stand, which gave time to more 
troopes to come up to his assistance, commanded by the Marquis 
de Richelieu]. With the help of this reinforcement, the enemy were 
charged a second time and forced to draw back in great disorder, 
but as they were near the town it would have been dangerous to 
push them further. As most of the King's troops were now arriv 
ing in the Lines, while the enemy were retiring, several officers 
urged Monsieur de Turenne to pursue them ; to which he replied 
that as they were too near their own walls, one could do them no 
great damage and also one would be exposed to the danger of 
losing too many men and being forced to retire in disorder. 

The enemy were so roughly handled in this engagement, in 
which they lost great numbers of men and more than 60 officers, 
that they had no stomach to commit themselves further. They 
were hard pressed at the Porte d'Orl&ns and from the outwork 
that had been captured, and the miner was already lodged in the 
wall when it was learned that Monsieur de Lorraine was march 
ing with all possible diligence towards Paris and that a bridge of 
boats was being made ready for him a little above Charenton. 

This news obliged Monsieur de Turenne to raise the siege, in 
order to avoid the risk of being caught between two of the enemy's 
armies. His men first withdrew the cannon from the batteries 
nearest the town. But they were so ill-furnished with teams, that, 
although the Court had sent all the coach-horses that were there, 
even those of the King and Queen, it was only possible to move 
half the artillery on the day before the army broke camp, and they 

30 Alexandra de Prouville, marquis de Tracy, had been marechal-de-camp. He had 
been one of the negotiators for the Treaty of Ulm. Was also serving under Turenne 
in 1654. 

7 6 



1652 THE SIEGE OF ETAMPES 

had to wait for the return of the horses to take away the other half. 
On the 7th of June, the army being in battle order, they began 
to withdraw the troops that were in the outwork. Monsieur de 
Navailles, 31 who commanded them, retreated in good order, 
although the enemy was pressing him vigorously. Then the army 
began to march after setting fire to the huts. While the first line 
was halting, the second advanced about five hundred steps, after 
which it turned about and faced the town. Then the first line 
moved off and marched in halt step until it had gained a distance 
five hundred steps beyond. It then halted and turned round to 
face the enemy, as had the second line which now began the same 
movement. In this way the army withdrew for the space of a 
league, and it was a very fine sight. The enemy followed the first 
line in its first movement, skirmishing in great numbers, but after 
that they undertook nothing that could give anxiety. Having 
arrived at Etrechy, the army remained two or three days, then 
went to camp at Ytterville, and from there to Ballincour, where 
Monsieur de Turenne learned that the Due de Lorraine had 
arrived at Villeneuve-Saint-Georges. He marched promptly with 
the intention of attacking him before he could be joined by the 
enemy who had been left in Etampes. On the I4th the army 
passed the Seine at Corbeil and made such speed that it surprised 
the enemy when he least expected it. It was about two o'clock in 
the afternoon when they came face to face, but the army could not 
fight because there was a brook between them which, coming 
from Brie, falls into the Seine. They marched upstream without 
losing any time until they found a crossing. The army marched 
all night and, leaving the forests on the left, the van reached 
Grosbois at dawn. Beaujeu, who was the Cardinal's emissary to 
the Due de Lorraine, came with d'Agecourt, captain of that 
Prince's Guards, to find Monsieur de Turenne and make pro 
posals. The principal and most urgent proposal was that Turenne 
should not advance. But he did not let himself be surprised by the 
Duke's artifices. He continued his march and, learning that the 
King of England had reached the Duke's army the same night to 

31 Philippe de Montaut de Benac, Due de Navailles (1619-1684). He was at this 
time a Lieutenant-General and cavalry leader. Continued to serve under Turenne, 
notably in the sieges of Sahte-Men6hould and Valenciennes. Served under Coade at 
SenefF (1674). Marshal of France, 1675. 

77 



CAMPAIGNS OF THE DUKE OF YORK 1652 

assist in the negotiations that were on foot between the Duke and 
the Cardinal, he asked the Duke of York to go and meet the King. 
This he accepted the more willingly as the King his brother had 
sent him word that he would be very glad to speak with him and 
that he had Monsieur de Lorraine's parole for his safe return. 

The reason for the King of England's coming to the Due de 
Lorraine's army was the request which the Duke 32 had made to his 
Majesty to mediate between him and the Court of France, to be 
the guarantor of the treaty which was on the point of being made. 
For this purpose he wished the King to do him the honour of 
coming to his army so that, when the affair was concluded, he 
could take him to the Court which was at Melun. The King had 
been in Paris when he received Monsieur de Lorraine's letter 
making these proposals. He immediately went and communi 
cated them to the Queen his mother, who was at Chaillot. 

As she knew that this Duke rarely acted in good faith, she did 
not think that the King should be his cautioner. But his great 
desire to contribute to an affair which might be so advantageous 
to the Court overrode all other considerations in his mind. He set 
off instantly, taking in his coach Lords Rochester, Jermyn, and 
Crofts. On arriving at Charenton, he heard that the two armies 
were face to face, and it is believed that he found there an express 
from the Duke asking him to make haste. On reaching Villeneuve- 
Saint-Georges, he found the Due de Lorraine much perplexed 
and disquieted by the importunate vicinity of Monsieur de 
Turenne. It was then that Monsieur de Beaujeu and the Captain 
of the Guards were sent with proposals. [But it not being yet 
certain what might be the issue of the Treaty], Monsieur de Lor 
raine prepared to fight. He posted himself [with all the advan 
tages which the ground affoorded him;] [working very hard all 
night on five redouts with which he cover'd his front.] [His Army 
consisted of about 5000 horse and 3000 foot, with a small train of 
Artillery] ; [he placed the greatest part of his foot in those redouts 
above mention'd, keeping one great battalion for a reserve behind 
the midlemost redout, having most of his canon placed upon a 
height by the gallows just above the Town ; his horse was drawen 
up in two lines behind the redouts, his right hand was cover'd by 
a great wood, and his left by the Town]. He could not be attacked 
32 i.e., the Due de Lorraine. 

78 



1652 THE TREATY WITH THE DUKE OF LORRAINE 

on this side because there was a very steep hill. He had shown 
great experience and skill in choosing this position. Thus posted 
he awaited the fight or the conclusion of the treaty. 

On arriving at Villeneuve-Saint-Georges, the Duke of York 
went to find the King his brother, who told him what had brought 
him there [and then desir'd him to use his best endeavours that 
the Treaty might succeed] in such a way that he might come off 
with honour from so ticklish an affair; he was in fact much em 
barrassed as to the attitude he should adopt in case the two armies 
came to blows. It was not befitting him, on the eve of a battle, [to 
withdraw without having his share in the honour of it]. 33 The Due 
de Lorraine had invited him to help him to make his treaty with 
France ; he was also under special obligations to him ; he was now 
in his camp and had lodged for a night in his quarters. [On the 
other side, he was at that very time under the protection of the 
King of France, and,] [in his Country], [He had a pension from 
him, which in that juncture was the only visible support he had : 
But the consideration which pressed him most was, that in fighting 
for the Duke of Lorraine, he manifestly appeared in the quarrell of 
Rebells against their Lawfull Soveraign] ; for that very reason he 
only remained in the camp with great repugnance, well knowing 
what a bad impression this would create in the public mind. How 
ever, he did not see how he could honourably withdraw. In this 
state of perplexity he asked the Duke of York what propositions 
he was bringing. The latter told him in a few words that Mon 
sieur de Turenne required Monsieur de Lorraine immediately to 
cease working on the bridge which he was having built over the 
Seine ; to engage to leave French territory within fifteen days, and 
at the same time to give his word never again to furnish any help 
to the Princes: that, with regard to the first article, Monsieur de 
Varenne, who had come expressly with him, had orders to see to 
the execution of it himself and that, without this preliminary, 
Monsieur de Turenne would hear of no other proposals. The 
King, knowing what engagements Monsieur de Lorraine had 
with the Princes, answered that he greatly feared that the Duke 

33 The Life (I, 86) adds at this point: 'but which side he was to take, was a matter 
of no slight consideration/ It is hard to suppose that a cynical realist like Charles II 
could have been troubled by any such dilemma; also, one sees no evidence to suggest 
that either party expected him to fight. 

79 



CAMPAIGNS OF THE DUKE OF YORK 1652 

would never sign such hard conditions. The Duke of York replied 
that Monsieur de Turenne would certainly not relinquish his 
terms. 34 Monsieur de Lorraine came into the room at that 
moment. The Duke of York immediately presented him the draft 
of the treaty. He received it with the mocking air which was usual 
with him but which was a little forced on this occasion. He at once 
agreed to the first article and sent an officer with Monsieur de 
Varenne to stop the work on the bridge; but as for the other 
articles he protested that nothing could oblige him to submit to 
such shameful conditions. The Duke of York asked whether he 
wished him to take back this reply; he replied that he could give 
no other, and, imagining that this young Prince's hands were 
itching and that he felt more inclination for a battle than for an 
agreement, he asked the King to send Lord Jermyn with him in 
order to try and obtain from Monsieur de Turenne terms that 
were more endurable. 

In the meanwhile Monsieur de Turenne was losing no time, 
but advancing with so much diligence that the Duke of York and 
Lord Jermyn found his army still marching in battle order, only 
a league distant from the Lorrainers. The Duke reported Mon 
sieur de Lorraine's reply and Lord Jermyn omitted nothing that 
he thought might persuade Turenne to desist from what appeared 
too severe in his proposals, but the Marshal would abate nothing, 
and Jermyn returned to let the Due de Lorraine know the result 
of his negotiations. He had urged the Duke of York to return 
with him, in the hope that he would gain time and that Monsieur 
de Turenne would not attack until he had come back with a final 
answer. But the Duke of York absolutely refused. He was sure 
that the Marshal was incapable of wasting his time because he 
knew that the army from Etampes was following him so closely 
that at any moment it might appear on the other side of the 
river. So he did not doubt that the French army and the Lor 
rainers would be fighting before he could return. He added with a 
smile that his own presence would not make the Due de Lorraine 
conclude the affair any sooner and that Monsieur de Turenne's 
approach would much rather decide him on coming to terms. 

34 1 . . . que Mr. de Turenne n'en demordroit assur&nent pas' 'would not loosen 
his grip/ strictly 'would not get his teeth out of it'; but the metaphor was probably a 
well-worn one. 

so 



1652 THE TREATY WITH THE DUKE OF LORRAINE 

Lord Jermyn set out and the Army, which continued to march, 
was not further than a cannon shot from the enemy, [when the 
King him-self came to Monsieur de Turenne to make the last 
attempt on his resolution but M. de Turenne begg'd his pardon 
for insisting still on the same conditions which he had sent, and 
added, that he knew his Maty had so much concernment for his 
King, as not to press him on any change of his proposalls], 

[The Armys were then so very near that every moment of time 
was precious, and therfore the King desired Monsr. de Turenne 
that he would send for the last time to the Duke of Lorraine; to 
which he consented, and Monsr. de Gadagne was commission'd] 
to take him the terms in writing and tell him that he would have 
to sign or fight. He found Monsieur de Lorraine on the hill near 
the gallows where he had set up batteries. On reading the paper 
that was presented to him, Monsieur de Lorraine [calPd out to the 
cannoneers to fire]. But it appeared that they had previously been 
forbidden to obey. Monsieur de Gadagne told him clearly that 
they durst not and repeated what he had said at the outset, [that 
he must either sign, or expect instantly to be attacked. Wherupon 
Monsr. de Lorraine sign'd the Treaty, and Mr. de Gadagne 
brought it back]. [So soon as Monsr. de Turenne received it, he 
commanded his Army to make a halt, and sent to demand host 
ages] and also that the Duke should march off his troops. The 
latter gave Monsieur de Ligneville and Monsieur d'Agecourt, the 
Captain of his Guards, as pledges for the execution of the Treaty, 
[who were to be returned so soon as Monsr. de Vaubecourt], who 
had orders to follow the Lorrainers, [should send word that he 
was out of the French Dominions]. 

After the ratification of the treaty, the King of England came to 
see Monsieur de Turenne's army; he then went to take leave of 
the Due de Lorraine, and returned to Paris. Scarcely had he left 
when the two Generals had a meeting; but after exchanging a few 
cold compliments they separated. Monsieur de Lorraine imme 
diately set his army in motion, while Monsieur de Turenne's 
remained in battle order. In full view, the Lorrainers entered a 
long and very narrow defile where they were at the discretion of 
the French. But Monsieur de Turenne was a more religious ob 
server of his word than Monsieur de Lorraine, whose troops 
were no sooner in the defile than the Princes' army appeared on 

81 



CAMPAIGNS OF THE DUKE OF YORK 1652 

the other side of the Seine; but, having been informed of what had 
just happened, this army marched off to Paris. 

Monsieur de Turenne remained a few days at Villeneuve-Saint- 
Georges [and departing thence the 2 1 of June, by small marches 
he came to Lagny, and there past the Marne on the ist of July 35 ], 
and camped at la Chevrette, a league distant from Saint-Denis 
where the Court was. Marshal de La Ferte had joined the Army 
at Garges with three or four regiments of cavalry and two of 
infantry, one of which was his and the other Wall's; 36 he had 
brought these troops from Lorraine. 

The Due de Beaufort, 37 a great favourite of the populace in 
Paris, had come with five hundred Parisians on horseback to join 
Monsieur de Lorraine at Villeneuve-Saint-Georges. They were 
permitted by the treaty to withdraw, but as no mention was made 
of their general, [he doubted of his own security], and not wishing 

35 James's memory is at fault here. The treaty had been signed on 16 June, and 
Turenne probably left Villeneuve-St.-G. on the lyth and had crossed the Marne by 
the 1 8th. Lagny is barely sixteen miles from Villeneuve-St.-G. Moreover i July was 
the date of the battle of the Porte Saint-Antoine (Turenne, Memoires, I, 200-201 
and notes). 

38 This was the 'Regiment de Wall-Irlandais', composed of Irish mercenaries 
commanded by Robert Wall. It had come into prominence when fighting on the 
right wing of the French army at Nordlingen in 1645 (see Hon. E. Godley, The 
Great Conde, London, 1915, p. 132). 

Henri de Senneterre, marquis (later marechal-duc) de la Ferte (16001681) had 
previously served under Conde at Rocroi (1643) and Lens (1648). He seems to have 
been, not unnaturally, averse to taking advice from colleagues junior in years or 
rank; this weakness was to lead to his being taken prisoner at Valenciennes in 1656, 
A brave and loyal officer, but apparently deficient in alertness and imagination. 

37 Francois de Vendome, due de Beaufort (1616-1669), a grandson of Henri IV 
and Gabrielle d'Estrees. He figures prominently in the memoirs of Retz, who makes 
no secret of his disdain for 

Monsieur de Beaufort 
Ce Due si grand, si haut, si fort, 

Et de prestance si blondine, 

as Loret describes him. He had fought well at Hesdin and Arras (1642) and in 1643 
dominated the Queen's council. But his influence derived from his good looks and his 
enormous popularity with the market women of Paris whose language he spoke per- 
fecdy-an unusual accomplishment among Henry IV's descendants (Retz). He was 
known as le roi des Halles', and his self-assurance led to his party's being called *La 
Cabale des Impor tents'. But he had no political sense. 'In conversation,' says Miss 
Godley, 'he showed a reassuring slowness of intellect' (The Great Conde', p. 78), and 
before long his behaviour scandalised the Queen. Mazarin, who supplanted him, im 
prisoned him in the fortress at Vincennes. He escaped in 1648 and joined the 
Spaniards -hence the part he was now playing in the Fronde. 

82 



1652 BATTLE OF THE FAUBOURG SAIXT-ANTOINE 

to make trial of Monsieur de Turenne's generosity, he took a 
trumpet with him, passed the Seine and rode to Paris where, to 
irritate the people against the King of England, he spread the 
malicious rumour that the Due de Lorraine had signed the treaty 
on the King's persuasion. If his Majesty had a hand in it, as it was 
his interest to have, he was not the original cause of it, because 
Monsieur de Lorraine had urged him to come and help in its 
conclusion. The report however made such an impression on the 
multitude that neither the King nor the Queen nor any English 
man of their Court dared to leave the Louvre for several days, or 
even to look out of the windows for fear of provoking some assault 38 
or at least some insults; and the people's animosity increased to 
such a point that their Majesties were compelled to leave the city 
in secret and to retire to Saint-Germain until it was appeased. 

After failing to join up with the Lorrainers, the Princes' army 
could no longer hold the field against the King's, so it went to 
camp near Saint-Cloud behind the Seine. Monsieur de Turenne, 
having no other enemies on his hands, decided to attack them 
openly, and began work on a bridge of boats on the same day that 
he arrived at La Chevrette. As the Seine there is very wide he 
needed time to make the bridge, [and least the Enemy should in 
terrupt the work, the two regiments of la Ferte's foot were com 
manded over into an Island, at the point of which it was intended 
to pass the Army] over the river. The enemy durst undertake 
nothing. The King's army had the advantage of the ground 
which was higher than on the other side. The enemy opposed 
neither the building of the bridge nor the passage. It is true that 
they at first made some movement as if they intended to do so : 
they lodged about a hundred soldiers behind a little ridge and ad 
vanced a few squadrons to support them, but these were quickly 
driven off by the cannon. The soldiers, thinking themselves safe, 
remained in their post and fired upon the workmen. La Fuitte, a 
Major in La Ferte's cavalry regiment, found a place which was not 
deep and having swum across with fifty horsemen, intercepted the 
retreat of the hundred foot soldiers, cut most of them to pieces, 

38 *. . . de peur des'attirer quelqu* insulte on au moins quelques injures.* Furetiere 
(Dictionnaire universe!, 1690} defines c insulte' as 'assaut qu'on donne a une place 
brasquement et idecouverf and gives as example, 'Valenciennes a ete prise d^ insulte/ 
C 'insulter un ouvrage* above. 

83 



CAMPAIGNS OF THE DUKE OF YORK 1652 

embarked the remainder whom he had taken prisoner in a boat, 
and swam back without losing a single man before the enemy's 
squadrons, whom the cannon had driven off to a good distance, 
could come to the help of their people. After this enterprise the 
enemy did not think fit to make others, and to discourage any 
such desire a reinforcement of foot with a few fieldpieces was sent 
over onto the island. 

Monsieur le Prince despaired of being able to prevent the pas 
sage of the King's army, whose bridge might probably be finished 
the next day. He therefore resolved to march to Charenton and 
take up a position behind the Marne. While his horse were pass 
ing over the bridge at Saint-Cloud, his foot passed over a bridge of 
boats which he had had made so as to proceed more quickly. He 
marched through the Bois de Boulogne, but on his arrival at the 
Porte de la Conference, 39 the Parisians refused him entry, and he 
was obliged to march round the city, as he had intended if he were 
not allowed to go through. 

Monsieur de Turenne had been promptly informed of all 
things by a messenger whom the King's friends sent from Paris 
and whom they let down in a basket over the walls because the 
gates were closed. He set the King's army in motion and went to 
find the Cardinal at Saint Denis, with whom it was decided that 
the army should continue to march with all possible diligence and 
attack Monsieur le Prince before he could reach Charenton. It 
was not thought fitting to wait for the cannon or for Monsieur de 
la Ferte's infantry who were in the island, as the least delay might 
make them lose so good an opportunity. On reaching La Chapelle 
[they perceived the Rear Guard of the Enemy], Monsieur de Tu 
renne advanced to reconnoitre, [and finding that to favour their 
retreat, they had to put] some infantry [into certain wind mills, 
and other litle houses which were at the entry of the fauxbourg 
St. Denis], he advanced musketeers who drove them out in a 
moment, [and made way for the King's horse to charge their Rear 
guard in the very street of the fauxbourg. The Enemy] at first 
defended themselves [with resolution enough, but at length were 
routed]. Most of the officers were killed or taken prisoner, among 
others Des Marais, Marshal de Camp, who had received some 
wounds, and the Comte de Choiseuil, captain of cavalry. The losses 
"On 30 June. 

84 



1652 BATTLE OF THE FAUBOURG SAINT-ANTOINE 

in the King's army were so slight that the only one worthy of 
mention was Lisbourg, Lieutenant-Colonel of Streff, who had a 
musket ball through his body. 

After the success of this first attack the King's men pressed the 
enemy so vigorously that, on reaching the remainder of their rear 
guard, which numbered 200 or 300 horse near the Hdpital de 
Saint-Louis, they cut the greater number of them to pieces [before 
they could reach the body of their Army, which was then retiring 
into the fauxbourg St. Antoine]. The Prince de Condd was ob 
liged to make this move as, in view of the vigour with which he 
was being pressed, he saw no likelihood of being able to reach 
Charenton. He was fortunate indeed in this extremity to find some 
good entrenchments in the faubourg : these had been dug by the 
inhabitants for their own security during the Civil War. But for 
this his army [had infallibly been lost]. He had only just time to 
post his men, so closely was he followed by the King's troops, 
whose ardour was only arrested by the barricades that were already 
there; and as the infantry had not yet arrived, the enemy had 
leisure to draw up in battle order in the Grande Rue. 40 

In the meantime the King, the Cardinal, and the whole Court 
arrived on the heights of Charonne, whence as from an amphi 
theatre they were spectators of what followed this scene of carnage. 
As soon as they saw that the infantry had arrived they sent orders 
to Monsieur de Turenne to attack, though neither Monsieur de 
la Ferte's infantry nor the cannon had come up, and though the 
army lacked all the tools needed to destroy the walls, fill in the 
trenches and break down the barricades. It was in vain that Mon 
sieur de Turenne begged them to be patient, pointing out that the 
enemy could not escape him if the Parisians, regarding whom one 
felt assured, did not open their gates; that the time needed to have 
the cannon would not give the Prince de Cond6 enough leisure to 
fortify himself farther; that by attacking without the necessary 
tools there was the risk of receiving a check which would cause 
the enterprise to miscarry, for otherwise it could not fail as soon as 
they had received the cannon, the pick-axes and other tools for 

40 James's memoirs call this 'the Great Street 5 . From the market place, which was 
just outside tlie Porte Saint-Antoine, tlie Grande Rue ran straight east and out into 
the country. The Rue de Charonne ran northeast, and the Rue de Charenton south 
east, past the Jardin de Rambouillet. 

85 



CAMPAIGNS OF THE DUKE OF YORK 1652 

moving the earth, which could not be delayed much longer. But 
the impatience of the Court overbore all these reasons. Even Mon 
sieur de Bouillon, 41 who had but recently made his peace with the 
Cardinal, urged Monsieur de Turenne his brother more than any 
one. He felt it was better blindly to follow the orders of the Court 
than to risk being censured by certain courtiers who might put 
into the King's mind the suspicion that the Marshal wished to 
spare the Prince, however irreconcilable at bottom they might be 
after what had happened. Monsieur de Turenne was not yet well 
enough established in the King's mind and in that reputation for 
probity which he afterwards acquired, to dare to refuse obedience 
to orders which were not to his taste ; and he did not yet trust his 
own capacity and experience as much as he was to do later on 
several occasions. 

The French Guards and the Regiment de la Marine, supported 
by the King's Gendarmes and Light Horse on the extreme right, 
attacked the barricade of the street which led to the Grande Rue 
of the faubourg where the market is. Success rewarded the bravery 
of the attackers. Although the walls were lined to right and left 
with defenders and the houses full of soldiers, the King's men 
carried the barricade and were driving the enemy from house to 
house when the imprudent ambition of the Marquis de Saint- 
Maigrin, 42 who commanded the Gendarmes and the Light Horse, 
lost the benefit of this first advantage. He wanted to share the 
glory of the infantry, and fearing that he would win none, 
[press'd on with great precipitation through the midst of the foot, 
in that strait passage of the street], without giving them time [to 
finish their work of dislodging the Enemy], [but still pursuing 
those who fled even almost to the market place]. Monsieur le 
Prince, who was here in person, [observing the fault committed by 
the King's horse], placed himself at the head of twenty-five offi 
cers or volunteers who were near him and charged them so vio- 

41 Frederic-Maurice de la Tour d'Auvergne, Prince de Sedan (1605-1652), a 
Catholic, was one of tKe great feudal lords. He had declared openly for the Princes 
in 1650, and as he was the head of the family, his adherence to the Fronde probably 
accounts for Turenne's defection from the Court party about the same time. Em- 
manuel-Thodose, the future Cardinal de Bouillon (1644 171 5) for whom James II 
caused the translation of his memoirs to be made, was one of his children. 

42 Jacques d'Estuert de Caussade, marquis de Saint-Maigrin. He was buried at 
Saint-Denis. 

86 



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CAMPAIGNS OF THE DUKE OF YORK 1652 

lently that they were thrown into disorder, fell back upon the in 
fantry and were exposed to all the fire that the enemy directed 
from the windows. Those of the King's troops who had got into 
the first houses saw this disorder and abandoned them ; and the 
enemy, regaining courage, pursued the King's men as far as the 
first barricade. It was only the presence of Monsieur de Turenne 
that prevented this from being retaken as all the others had been. 

Saint-Maigrin was not the only one who paid for his temerity 
with his life; the Marquis de Nantouillet and several men of 
quality were also killed upon the spot, and many others [dyd of 
their wounds afterwards, amongst whom was Monsr. de Man- 
chini 43 the Cardinal's nephew], a man of great promise, [and 
Fouillou ensigne of the Queen's guards]. The two infantry regi 
ments had been so roughly handled that [all that could be expected 
from them] was that they should hold the first barricade, which 
they had taken. 

Turenne's infantry regiment was employed in attacking some 
houses and gardens which the enemy occupied on the left. The 
two regiments of Uxelles and Carignan which made up only one 
battalion assaulted a garden wall that abutted on the Grande Rue, 
a little further off, still on the left; and on the extreme left the rest 
of the infantry, commanded by Monsieur de Navailles and con 
sisting of the regiments of Picardy, Plessis-Praslin, 44 Douglas and 
Belle Cense, attacked a barricade which was down towards the 
river near the garden of Rambouillet. 45 

The enemy were first driven from several posts by the regiment 
of Turenne, but the failure of the right prevented it from pushing 
further and it was satisfied with holding what it had won. A 
squadron composed of the regiments of Clere and Richelieu 

43 Paul Manciinl (1638-1652). There had been a question of marrying him to 
Mile de Retz in order to reconcile Gondi (Retz) with the Cardinal. Retz, who hated 
Mazarin, says that Paul Mancini 'had courage and merit*. He was only fourteen when 
he was killed. 

44 This appears to have been the regiment belonging to Cesar de Choiseul, Comte 
du Plessis-Praslin (1599-1675). He had been a Marshal of France since 1645. 
Whether he was the same person as the 'Comte de Choiseuil, captain of cavalry' who 
had been captured an hour or two earlier, I do not know. The captain may have been 
his son. 

45 This record of Navailles' movements is, in the Life (I, 99-100), separated by 
nearly two pages from the preceding narrative; and the whole narrative is more con 
densed in the French manuscript than in the Life. 

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2. PREFACE BY THE CARDINAL DE BOUILLON 



1652 BATTLE OF THE FAUBOURG SAINT-ANTOINE 

which was to have supported it, was surprised by a hail of mus 
ketry fire from the enemy who, from a near-by wall, took it in the 
flank and killed a great many. The squadron was thrown into dis 
order and fled, but the officers, running after the fugitives, stopped 
them and immediately brought them back to their posts in good 
order. Here during the rest of the action they conducted them 
selves with extreme bravery, and this was all the more extra 
ordinary since it very rarely happens that troops who have once 
been seized with fear cut a good figure for the rest of the day. This 
squadron was so roughly handled that there was not a captain who 
was not killed or wounded ; of the regiment of Richelieu the only 
one remaining alive was La Loge, a Captain-Lieutenant, who had 
a musket ball through his body, from which he recovered. 

The regiments of Uxelles and Carignan attacked on their side 
about the same time as the other attacks were being made. The 
two Lieutenant-Colonels were killed at once, but this did not 
prevent the men from advancing straight to the wall despite the 
heavy fire that was opened on them. They placed themselves be 
tween the holes through which the enemy were firing. The fight 
ing here was rather like the fighting behind the last wall in the 
suburb gardens of Etampes. As the muskets could do no great 
execution, the men heaved stones at each other, fired pistols and 
thrust their swords through the holes; but the lack of tools for 
demolishing the wall explains why the action did not go on for 
long. Meanwhile the cavalry which was supporting this attack 
stood facing the Grande Rue out of musket shot, to prevent the 
enemy's sallying from the barricade which they had in order to 
charge the infantry who were attacking the wall. It was not 
thought fitting to undertake anything against this barricade be 
cause it was defended by the neighbouring houses which the 
enemy occupied. It was difficult and in fact useless to take it until 
these troops had first been driven out. 

Monsieur de Navailles on his side carried the barricade op 
posed to him. He met with no great resistance and dislodged the 
enemy from the houses in the neighbourhood. He had at first 
been content to maintain his position without pushing further, be 
cause he had found that the enemy had posted some of their 
cavalry in a rather large open place opposite and that behind him 
there were gardens and houses defended by infantry. The enemy 

D 89 



CAMPAIGNS OF THE DUKE OF YORK 1652 

also judged that it would be rash to attack the King's troops and 
decided to retire behind the houses and gardens occupied by their 
foot. But Monsieur d'Eclinvilliers, Marechal de Camp, took their 
retreat for a flight and rode in pursuit of them with the cavalry he 
commanded, through the barricade that had been won. At the 
same time the enemy turned about and, knowing that only two 
horsemen could attack them at a time, they charged him before he 
could form up his squadron and when only half of his men had 
passed through. They beat him, made him prisoner, killed several 
officers and horsemen and, after pursuing the rest as far as the bar 
ricade, retired at a round trot under a fairly heavy fire from the 
King's troops who had taken possession of the houses. 

The cannon and Monsieur de la Ferte's infantry came up 
about the same time. The two regiments were immediately 
ordered to relieve the French Guards and the Marine regiment 
which had been so roughly handled, and to hold the posts which 
had been won on that side. The cannon, six fieldpieces in all, were 
dragged to the windmills which were a little less than a musket 
shot distant from the entrance to the Grande Rue ; and they began 
to fire very successfully on the soldiers and baggage with which it 
was crowded and which disappeared in an instant; then they 
battered [the houses which commanded the passage to the Barri 
cade]. As these were lightly built, every shot went through ; never 
theless the enemy stood their ground so obstinately that they could 
not then be dislodged and they kept up a heavy fire from the win 
dows and holes that the cannon had pierced. 

During this cannonade, a great rattle of musketry was suddenly 
heard coming from the attack commanded by Monsieur de 
Navailles. Monsieur de Turenne rode there but the action was 
over before he could arrive. Never was there a more eager or vio 
lent one for the time it lasted. See how it had arisen. 

Monsieur de Beaufort had [been almost all the morning in 
harangueing of the people of Paris, and endeavouring to perswad 
them to open their gates to the Prince of Conde and his troopes]. 
His eloquence had been useless; he came out and, on reaching the 
faubourg, he could not listen to what had happened the heat of 
the action in which Saint-Maigrin had been killed, the bravery 
with which Monsieur le Prince and the men of quality who accom 
panied him had distinguished themselves without being filled 

90 



1652 BATTLE OF THE FAUBOURG SAINT-ANTOINE 

with noble emulation, [and resolv'd on doing something as re 
markable. He therfore propos'd to Monsr. de Nemours 46 (with 
whom he had a quarell then depending) that they shou'd en 
deavour to regain the Barricade gain'd by Mr. de Navailles, as an 
action of the greatest importance to their party]. Monsieur de 
Nemours accepted the proposal and they immediately set about 
executing it. All the men of quality who were still able to fight 
followed them. [These two then putting themselves at the head of 
a good body of foot march'd on with great resolution and bravery 
to attack the Barricade]. The Regiment of Picardy was posted be 
hind it. There was a house on each side of the passage by which 
the enemy had to come; the Regiment of Du Plessis-Praslin was in 
one house and Douglas's in the other. Between these two fires 
which were violent and continual they none the less made their 
way with great intrepidity and courage, not stopping until they 
had reached the barricade. But [there they found so vigourous a 
resistance, that it was impossible for them to master it; they were 
beaten off with considerable loss]. [Monsr. de Nemours was 
wounded in severall places, and one of his fingers shott from his 
hand as it was upon the Barricade, Monsr. de la Rochefoucault 
was shott in at the corner of one eye, the bullet coming out under 
the other, so that he was in danger of loosing both 47 ] ; Monsieur de 
Guitaut 48 had a musket ball in his body and there were several 
other men of quality wounded or killed, though their names have 
been forgotten. Monsieur de Flamarin 49 was one of the latter and 

46 Charles-Amedee de Savoie (16221652) had succeeded his brother, Louis de 
Savoie, as Due de Nemours in 1641. He had married Elisabeth de Vendome, 
Beaufort's sister, but he did not get on with his brother-in-law, for whom he seems to 
have entertained an excessive dislike, 

47 Mile, de Montpensier describes this in some detail. See Mlmoires de Made 
moiselle de Montpensier yfille de Gastan d'Qrltans in Nouvelle Collection des Memmres 
pourserviraFHistotre de France (Paris, 1838), IV, 32-37, 83, 85. 

48 Guillaume de Peycheperou, known as *le petit Guitauf , to distinguish him from 
the Comte de Comminges-Guitaut (*le vieux Guitaut*) who was Captain of the 
Queen's Guards. *Le petit Guitaut* was one of Conde's adherents and with Boutte- 
ville and Coligny fought under him at the battle of the Dunes. Louis subsequently 
pardoned him and invested him, at the same time (i 662) as Conde\ with the Order of 
the Holy Ghost. 

49 Antoine-Agesikn de Grossolles, marquis de Fkmmarans. He appears to have 
been attached to Monsieur and dependent on the Abbe de la Riviere; in 1 649 he had 
been acting as intermediary between La Riviere and La Rochefoucauld. Retz, who 
gives these details, mentions him about eight times in his M&noires (ed. Alem et 
Thomas, Paris, 1954 19^-195 &)* 

9* 



CAMPAIGNS OF THE DUKE OF YORK 1652 

his adventure was too remarkable to be forgotten. Fortune-tellers 
had predicted that he would die with a rope round his neck, a 
thing contrary to custom in France, where gentlemen condemned 
to death are beheaded. But he had the misfortune to fulfil the 
prophecy, if one can so describe the ridiculous stories put out by 
such people; although indeed God may sometimes make use of 
them in order to punish these kinds of curiosity which are always 
criminal. 50 This gentleman had fallen under a musket ball and had 
been left for dead near one of the houses that the King's troops 
were occupying. The soldiers, judging from the richness of his 
clothes that his purse was proportionately well garnished, were 
very desirous of going to strip him, but the enemy, who were in 
the near-by houses, not permitting them to do this without too 
much peril, they bethought them of fastening a rope to the end of 
a pike; and making a running knot, they passed it round his head 
[and so drag'd him into the house then just expiring]. 

Monsieur de Turenne found on arrival that the enemy had 
been repulsed and that the post was in good condition. He re 
turned to the battery by the windmills in spite of the fire which the 
enemy still directed on him from the houses to the left of the 
barricade. His men however discovered a place not guarded, by 
which these houses could be attacked from the rear. As all the in 
fantry were employed in the main attack, Monsieur de Turenne 
made the horsemen alight, and they delivered such a timely and 
valiant assault on the houses that, of more than a hundred of the 
enemy who had so long defended them, not one was not killed or 
taken. 

[Just when the King's horsemen began this attack, the two 
Regiments] of Uxelles 51 and Carignan 52 which had continued to 
fight by the garden walls in so strange a manner [began to get the 
mastery of some of those holes which the Enemy had defended 
with so much obstinacy]. [They had now made them wider] with 
no help but that of their hands which had had to supply the lack of 
levers and other tools. Whereupon the enemy, judging that the 

50 This last remark appears to be an afterthought, as it does not figure in the Life. 

51 Louis-Chalon du Ble, marquis d'Huxelles. He appears to have been one of La 
Ferte's officers. At the siege of Valenciennes in 1654 the good work he carried out at 
Turenne's bidding was undone by La Ferte-who was to suffer in consequence. 

52 Thomas-Francois de Savoie, Prince de Carignan (i 596-1656), son of the Duke 
of Savoy and grandfather of Marlborough's colleague, Prince Eugene. 

92 



1652 BATTLE OF THE FAUBOURG SAINT-ANTOINE 

King's men intended to force the position through these openings, 
[abandoned the whole wall th5 they had a squadron of horse to 
second them in the garden]. The attackers, seeing this, [plyd 
them so hard, that the horse following the example of the foot be 
gan to run] ; but having only a very narrow space through which 
to retreat, and every man striving with the others to escape the 
first, they blocked up the passage and for some time remained in a 
confused mass of horse and foot. A heavy fire was directed upon 
them, the wall was beaten down, they suffered great losses. As to 
those who were posted at the great barricade at the entrance to the 
Grande Rue, they were surprised at the same time to see that the 
gardens on their left had been taken, and as they were being fired 
on from the houses on their right, they took fright and abandoned 
the barricade which the King's troops now occupied. 

It was not thought fitting to pursue them at once, [for it was 
then resolved to make a generall attack on all sides. In order to 
which all necessary preparations were making]. The troops were 
given time to breathe and to recover a little from the fatigue of so 
much fighting which the stifling heat that prevailed that day ren 
dered in every respect more heated. 

All was now disposed in good order, and, at the signal of three 
cannon shots, the attack began. Monsieur de la Ferte commanded 
the right and Monsieur de Turenne the left. The latter, advancing 
with a big body of horse and foot, had resolved to march a little to 
the left in the direction of the Bastille and to attack a place where 
he hoped not to find strong barricades. But as he was about to 
attack, the Bastille opened fire on the King's troops to the great 
amazement of those who had flattered themselves that Paris would 
remain neutral and would give no shelter to the enemy. It was al 
ready suspected and immediately after found to be true, that the 
Parisians had opened their gates to the Princes ; [for when their 
Barricades were attacked, they made no countenance of defending 
them, but only retreated in good order from their Severall posts, 
leaving only some few men at each of them]. The latter abandoned 
them as the King's men advanced, and followed their own people 
into the city. The remnant were pursued up to the gates; and the 
Generals, seeing nothing more to be done, decided to return to La 
Chevrette where they had left their baggage, and to rest their 
troops and carry up the wounded. 

93 



CAMPAIGNS OF THE DUKE OF YORK 1652 

One cannot say exactly how many men were lost in this action, 
but it is believed that in addition to the wounded, who were in 
great numbers, from eight to nine hundred men were killed. Apart 
from the persons of quality already mentioned, several others were 
killed or wounded whose names have been forgotten. 53 Comte 
d'Estrees, marechal de camp, Pertuys, Lieutenant in Monsieur de 
Turenne's Guards, Colonel Woerden, a Gentlemen of the Duke of 
York's, Lisbourg, Lieutenant-Colonel of Streff, the Chevalier de 
Neuville and many others recovered from their wounds. 54 

It has been calculated that more than a thousand of the enemy 
were killed on the spot, [amongst whom were great numbers of 
Officers and men of quality] : of the latter, apart from Monsieur 
le Prince, the Due de Beaufort, and the Prince de Tarante, 55 not 
one was not killed or wounded. 

The Prince de Conde had never better fulfilled the duties of a 
great captain and dauntless soldier than on this occasion, never 
had he exposed himself to such great perils, [And truely it was his 
only vigour which preserved his Army from utter ruine in the very 
beginning of it]. He afterwards admitted to the Duke of York 
that he had never been in danger for so long. But what added 
lustre to his glory was that he had to deal with Monsieur de 
Turenne who, everyone agrees, was the greatest captain of his age 
and who can justly be compared with the most famous who pre 
ceded him. 

What decided the Parisians on refusing entrance to Monsieur 
le Prince's troops when they presented themselves at the Porte de 
La Conference, were the following reasons, which the King's loyal 
subjects propagated all over the city: [That tho they were indeed 
against the Cardinal, and wish'd his ruine, yet it was unworthy] of 

58 In place of these two sentences, the Life simply states that about 800 or 900 
Royalists were killed. But it then mentions Mancini, Fouillou and M. de Mespas, 'an 
old Mareschall de Camp', as having died later of their wounds. 

54 These details are also in the Life (I, 106) which, however, adds the following: 
'Monsieur de Turenne himself was very much expos'd that day, and so was conse 
quently his R. Highness the Duke who accompanied this great Generall all along, 
and hazarded his person where ever he was.* 

55 Henri-Charles de la Tr&noille, prince de Tarante and, kter, Due de k Trdmollle 
(1621-1672). A great friend of Conde*, for whom he was to deputise during the 
Prince's illness at the siege of Rocroi in 1 653 . The Archduke Leopold made things so 
difficult on that occasion that La Tr&nollle resigned from his post, though he re 
mained on good terms with Conde*. 

94 



i6$2 BATTLE OF THE FAUBOURG SAINT-ANTOINE 

their pride in being good Frenchmen [to suffer an Army, partly 
composed of Spanish troopes] [to enter within their walls]; that it 
would be an odious spectacle which might well excite dangerous 
sedition among the people if the Crosses of Burgundy which were 
usually seen only in Notre Dame were carried in triumph through 
the midst of their city; [That it would look as if they had already 
submitted to the Spanish Yoke] if they should see every where 
only the red scarves which would recall the shameful memory of 
having endured them during the rebellion that had been disguised 
under the specious name of a Holy League; 56 that in short it was 
contrary to the interests of the capital to receive an army under 
any pretext whatever. 

When the fighting began in the Faubourg Saint-Antoine, 
Monsieur de Beaufort's harangues met with no success. Mon 
sieur le Due cTOrleans, believing that all was lost, had shut him 
self up in his palace and was remaining behind his gardens, his 
coaches being ready to take him to Orleans. But Mademoiselle, 57 
full of courage and resolution, considered that the defeat of 
Monsieur le Prince would involve the whole party in ruin. She 
went to the Hdtel de Ville and spoke so vigorously to the Magis 
trates that her reasons, joined to the clamour and threats of the 
populace who had followed her, wrested from Marshal dePHdpital 58 

56 The Catholic League in the time of Henri III and Henri IV had resisted the 
Crown which was then supported by the Tolitiques* and the Huguenots. 

57 Mademoiselle de Montpensier, whose memoirs gives the fullest and best account 
of what was taking pkce that day in Paris. 

Anne-Marie-Louise d'Orleans (1627-1693), the elder daughter^ of Gaston 
d'Orleans, brother of Louis XIII, was a conspicuously romantic figure in an age of 
warlike princesses and intriguing amazons. Charles II, after his escape from the battle 
ofWorcester, had paid court to her without success. She really wanted to marry Louis 
XIV, who however disapproved of her. For her exploits in 1 6 5 2 she was punished by 
five years of 'exile 5 in her chateau on the Loing; but after this was allowed^ to return 
to the Luxembourg, where her literary salon became the most distinguished and 
influential in Park. In 1670 she fell in love with the so-called Due de Lauzun, 'one 
of the smallest men God ever made,' and yet a man who carried himself with in 
credible 'hauteur'. The King gave his assent to the marriage, then withdrew it, and 
then had Lauzun incarcerated in the fortress at Pinerolo. It was believed that he and 
Mademoiselle de Montpensier had been secretly married. Lauzun was released after 
ten years, but he and Anne-Marie-Louise did not get on together and they parted in 
1684. (See Philippe Amigaet, La Grande Mademoiselle et son sihle, Pars, 1957)- 

58 Francois du Hallier, comte de Rosnay (1583-1 660). An old and trusted, though 
not a brilliant, officer. He had been, though already a Marshal of France, Condi's 
Lieutenant-Genera! in the campaign of 1643, and had been severely wounded at 
Rocroi, a battle in which die carnage was great on both sides. 

95 



CAMPAIGNS OF THE DUKE OF YORK 1652 

and the Provost of the Merchants 59 an order to the bourgeois 
guard at the Porte Saint-Antoine to open it and let Monsieur le 
Prince's army enter the city. She carried this order herself and 
saw it executed; she then went into the Bastille and had the can 
non fired on the King's troops. In this way her courage saved the 
Prince de Conde and his army. Two days after this affair a great 
disorder broke out in Paris. It was on the occasion of a solemn 
council that was held in the H&tel de Ville to have the Due d'Or- 
leans declared Lieutenant-Gen eral of the Kingdom, to effect a 
union which should be indissoluble until the Cardinal was ban 
ished from France, to appoint the Due de Beaufort in place of 
Marshal de TH6pital as Governor of Paris, and to depose Le 
Fevre from the post of Provost of the Merchants and give it to 
Broussel. 60 

But what they thought would establish their faction was one of 
the principal causes of its ruin. There suddenly arose an emotion 
so violent that it nearly exterminated the assembly. A multitude 
composed of every sort and condition of persons burst impetuously 
into the Place de Greve, crying out that they wanted the business 
terminated according to the Prince de Conde's wishes and all Car 
dinal Mazarin's partisans killed. But as they saw that little regard 
was paid to their request, they set about forcing the Hdtel de 
Ville; and Marshal de I'H&pital, seconded by a few resolute men, 
having forbidden them to enter, the populace set fire to the doors. 
The fire quickly spread. The mob then shot at all those who ap 
peared at the windows and killed several of them. Others, being 
less apprehensive of the popular fury than of the flames with which 
they were threatened, abandoned themselves to the mercy of the 
mob and were pitilessly massacred without distinction of party. 
The populace confused Frondeurs and Royalists, and by a fitting 
judgment of God there perished many more of the former than of 
the latter. 61 All those who have been suspected of provoking this 
sedition have denied it and thrown the blame on each other; and 
although the Prince de Conde has always maintained that he had 

59 Antoine Le Fvre. 

fto Pierre Broussel, Dean of the Counsellors in the Grand' Chambre, and one of the 
most influential members of the Parlement. 

61 This remark is not in the Life. I suspect it occurred to James in 1695 when he 
was dictating and probably translating his Memoirs (with slight alterations) to the 
secretary who was taking them down. 



1652 THE SPANIARDS AT CHAUNY 

no hand in it, the hatred it inspired fell upon him and his parti 
sans ; no one thought Monsieur le Due d'Orl^ans capable of hav 
ing had any share in it. This disorder was followed by another 
accident which was also very prejudicial to the Fronde. The Due de 
Nemours was killed in a duel by the Due de Beaufort, for the ties 
of blood 62 had not sufficed to appease the mortal hatred they had 
borne each other for so long. 

While these tragic scenes were being enacted in the centre of 
the kingdom, the Spaniards took the opportunity of recovering in 
a short time several towns they had lost in previous years. They 
took the field early, and not finding any troops able to arrest their 
progress, they advanced without much difficulty. 

The Court, which remained some time at Saint-Denis, was 
exceedingly alarmed on hearing that the Archduke 63 at the solici 
tation of the Princes was preparing to march into France at the 
beginning of July with an army of more than twenty-five thousand 
men. After deliberating for some time on this pressing danger it 
was decided towards the i ^th of July that the Court and the Army, 
which was too weak to resist such considerable forces, should 
march in two days and retire to Lyons. The Duke of York and 
Monsieur de Turenne came to Saint-Denis on the same day [that 
this resolution had been taken in Councill]. Before going to the 
Court they went to see the Due de Bouillon in order to learn from 
him what had been decided. He told Monsieur de Turenne it was 
his opinion that the Court could seek safety nowhere but in Lyons; 
that the reasons which had brought about this decision were that 
there was no other city where the King could be in safety, since it 

62 They "were brothers-in-law. Every effort iiad been made to reconcile them and 
Beaufort would have agreed to a reconciliation, but Nemours appears to have been 
unwilling. The wounds Nemours had received in the battle kept him quiet for a time, 
but on 29 July he sent an implacable challenge to Beaufort, who was compelled to 
meet him. Conde, hearing of the affair, made all haste to the spot, but arrived just too 
late. As Nemours was still weak, they had fought with pistols. Beaufort had protested 
to the last moment, but when Nemours rushed furiously upon him, he fired- appa 
rently in sel<lefence-and shot Nemours dead. Beaufort was overcome with horror, 
and so apparently was Conde who, 'looking more dead than alive,' immediately went 
to offer his condolences to Nemours* young widow (Godley, The Gnat Condi* 
398-400). 

^Leopold, Archduke of Austria and son of Ferdinand II. He was Viceroy and 
comniander-in-chief in the Spanish Netherlands between 1647 and 1656. Cond was 
to find frim a rather trying ally, though less so than his successor, Don Juan* 

97 



CAMPAIGNS OF THE DUKE OF YORK 1652 

was the only great city that would receive them ; M that they were 
not in a condition to resist the Spanish army which was marching 
into France, and there was a danger that the Court and the Army 
would be trapped between the Spaniards and Paris ; [That so long 
as the person of the King was safe] there was every hope, but there 
was everything to fear [if he shou'd once fall into the hands of the 
Spaniards, or the Princes] ; and that Lyons was the one place in 
France from which one could best make head against the enemy, 
since the whole region was devoted to the King's interest. 

Monsieur de Turenne, on the contrary, considered this the 
most dangerous expedient of all. He said that the Court's with 
drawing would infallibly mean the loss of all the frontier towns in 
Picardy, Champagne, and Lorraine, which were held for the King; 
that seeing themselves abandoned each one would think only of 
coming to terms with the Spaniards or the Princes; that the 
Spaniards and the Princes would have leisure to get from this all 
the advantage they pleased; that there was great danger of such a 
situation's inspiring in people's minds the thought of dividing 
France, or at least that part of it which they would be in possession 
of; that after the Princes were established in that quarter, their 
reputation increasing with their forces, the Court would lose both 
and would be on the verge of being entirely driven from the 
kingdom. After advancing several other reasons, he concluded 
that the surest and most prudent decision was for the King to 
retire to Pontoise with the Guard that usually accompanied him 
and which would suffice for the purpose. The position was easy to 
defend against any enterprise of the Parisians who would probably 
not push things to such a point, because there was a certain de 
cency in their behaviour which still showed a kind of respect. He 
said that the Court being thus secured, [he with the Army wou'd 
advance towards Compiegne to observe the motion of the Spani 
ard, and hop'd by the favour of that Town and the Rivers which 
were near it] at least to delay their progress if he did not stop them 
altogether. He added that he was sure the Spaniards, who were 
naturally suspicious and subject to taking exaggerated precau 
tions, when they saw him advancing upon them would not fail 
with the ordinary refinements of their prudence to imagine there 
was some mystery in his move arid to believe that he would not 

64 Rouen had refused* 

9 8 



1652 THE SPANIARDS AT CHAUNY 

dare risk It [without good grounds] ; finally that their opinion of 
the French temperament would make them fear that the Princes 
might be negotiating some secret treaty of which they would be 
the victims. 

Monsieur de Turenne easily brought round his brother to his 
point of view. They went together to the Cardinal who, after 
weighing and considering the solidity of their argument, also 
agreed. The journey to Lyons was abandoned [And on the 1 7th of 
July the Court mov'd to Pontoise], The Army marched in three 
days to Compiegne and camped under the walls. The Spanish 
army had advanced as far as Chauny where the Due d'Elbeuf very 
unfortunately let himself be caught [with seven or eight hundred 
horse, which he gathered out of his government of Picardy] ; so 
that when on the enemy's approach he thought he could withdraw, 
they cut off his escape and, the place being weak, he was obliged 
to capitulate after two days of siege on condition that his horse 
men should march out on foot and should leave their horses for the 
Spaniards. 

Monsieur de Turenne had wisely foreseen that his own move 
would stop the enemy. [After they had taken Chauny, they did 
not so much as put a garrison into it, nor lay Seige to any other 
Town in those quarters, where no opposition could haue been 
made], and contented themselves with eating up the country. It 
was believed they thought it much more to their interest to recover 
the places they had lost in Flanders than to make any conquests so 
far into France. They considered that the Princes would be strong 
enough with the help they could send them to make head against 
the King, whereas if they gave the Princes means of overwhelming 
him, the King would be compelled to place himself in the Princes* 
hands or in those of the Rebels, which, by uniting the forces of 
both parties, would oblige the Spaniards to loose their hold and to 
restore everything they might have conquered, which would be 
too far from the Low Countries to be succoured. They were 
afraid of taking the shadow for the substance. If these were not 
their views their conduct at least gave ground for supposing so. 
They returned to Flanders, took several towns and left the Due 
de Lorraine on the frontier with his troops and a detachment of 
their own commanded by the Duke of Wirtemberg to be near 
enough to help the Princes when it should be judged fitting* 

99 



CAMPAIGNS OF THE DUKE OF YORK 1652 

As soon as the Spaniards had returned to their territory, Mon 
sieur de Turenne came back to the neighbourhood of Paris, The 
army of the Princes was camping under the walls; it was not strong 
enough to risk a battle and it feared that if it went away, the King's 
party which was daily increasing in strength, might soon prevail. 
The Parisians' animosity was cooling down and they were begin 
ning to open their eyes and recognise that they had been misled. 
But what contributed most to bring them back to the path of duty 
was the Cardinal's leaving the kingdom. He had made ready for 
this retreat on arriving at Pontoise, as he judged it necessary for 
the King's interest and for his own. By this means he removed all 
pretext for rebellion. His re-establishment was certain if his 
Majesty's affairs were once again in the ascendant. He counted 
also on the Queen's firmness, which nothing could shake. He 
knew how everyone was persuaded that her word was inviolable. 
Never had princess shown more greatness of soul and more con 
stancy, and such was her resolution in moments of greatest peril 
that history does not record any more heroic. It was nevertheless 
believed [that the Cardinal had run a great hazard of not being 
recalled, if Monsr. de Bouillon had liv'd longer]. His great capa 
city, joined to that of Monsieur de Turenne who was at the head 
of the army, might have paved the way to the Ministry. It is not 
certain that they had this design but it is sure that they alone were 
capable of bearing the weight of office in so difficult a conjunc 
ture. [However it were, the death of the Duke of Bouillon put an 
end both to those discourses, and to the apprehension] or the 
hope 65 of such a change. 

The King's army arrived at Thillay a league distant from 
Gonesse towards the beginning of August and remained there 
until the end of the month. Monsieur de Turenne considered this 
an advantageous post for observing the Princes' army which was 
still near Paris and to prevent their being joined by the help which 
the Spaniards might send. He was at last advised that the Due de 
Lorraine was returning a second time with his troops and with the 
Spanish detachment under the command of the Duke of Wirtem- 
berg, and that he had taken the road through Champagne and 
Brie in order to join the Princes' army. Monsieur de Turenne at 

65 'on Tesp^rance'-an afterthought, which is inserted above the line in the manu 
script. 

IOO 



1652 TURENNE AT VILLENEUVE-SAINT-GEORGES 

once marched towards the Marne and, having learned on the way 
that the Lorrainers were advancing, his army passed the river at 
Lagny and advanced to the little village of Saint-Germain near 
Cressy-en-Brie. Monsieur de Turenne there received an order 
from the Court to remain until further instruction and to under 
take nothing against Monsieur de Lorraine unless the latter under 
took to march towards Paris and broke camp from where he was; 
in that case the Marshal was to do his best to prevent his joining 
the Princes. The reason for this order was that the Court was nego 
tiating with Monsieur de Lorraine, who had sent his secretary for 
the purpose and had at the same time promised that he would 
remain where he was and would not advance until terms were 
agreed upon or the negotiations broken off. He was hoping to 
beguile the Court, to deceive it by his artifices and to find the 
opportunity [either to get into Paris, or to meet the Princes in his 
way to it, without hazarding a battell]. Monsieur de Turenne, 
who knew him better than did the Court, did not, like the Court, 
fall into the trap. Monsieur de Lorraine's secretary who was on 
his way to report to his master on the state of the negotiations, 
himself brought the order in question ; but Monsieur de Turenne 
told him [That the promises of Monsieur de Lorraine, and just 
nothing, were the same thing to him]. And in fact to prove his 
good opinion of those promises, [he resolved to march the very 
next day, which was the 5th of September, to Brie-Comte-Robert] 
so as to be in a position to intercept him in the event of his wanting 
to march, as the Marshal thought he would, and that, following 
his custom, he would break his word. The Marshal told the Duke 
of York in confidence [That tho his orders from Court were posi 
tive not to leave his post, yet being morally certain that the Duke 
of Lorraine intended to deceive them, and knowing that it was for 
his Master's interests that he shou'd march, he thought it better 
to venture his head by disobeying] than to give Monsieur de Lor 
raine the chance of reaching his goal and duping him. The army 
broke camp in the morning and the Quartermasters on arriving at 
Brie-Comte-Robert found the enemy's Quartermasters who were 
coming to pitch camp, as their army was already on the march and 
intending to camp there the same night. The former returned at 
once to advise Monsieur de Turenne who, with the van of the 
army, had passed through a defile. He immediately sent to warn 



CAMPAIGNS OF THE DUKE OF YORK 1652 

Monsieur de la Ferte, who was bringing up the rear guard, with 
the request that he should come and meet him to consult together 
as to what was to be done ; and as he did not come quickly enough, 
Monsieur de Turenne went to meet him and found him at the 
defile. They decided, instead of going to Brie-Comte-Robert, to 
march straight to Villeneuve-Saint-Georges. Monsieur de Turenne 
went in advance with all his cavalry, ordered the infantry and the 
cannon to follow him with all diligence and asked Monsieur de la 
Fert to do the same. He rightly feared that [the Duke of Lor 
raine, who knew as well as himself the advantages of that post, 
shou'd get there before him] and he did not doubt that the latter's 
Quartermasters, warning him of their meeting with his own, 
would decide him on taking the same course. His conjecture 
proved to be sound. Whatever haste he made, the Duke's van 
arrived before his at Villeneuve-Saint-Georges, and he 66 [thought 
himself so secure of that post, that he wrote a letter to the Prince 
of C0nd&> and dated it from thence], to inform him that he had 
taken possession of it. The Duke of York heard of this afterwards 
from the officer who had carried the letter, for the Duke was with 
Monsieur de Turenne when a party which had made this officer 
prisoner brought him into Villeneuve-Saint-Georges; and the 
man was so surprised at finding the King's army there that he 
eoeld not understand how it was possible. 

Although the Lorrainers had gained the lead and were masters 
of the town and although a part of their troops had passed the 
Yerr5 Monsieur de Turenne, arriving with his van on the heights 
which command the town and the rivers, drove them off and 
seized the bridge. Their anny was already so near the other side 
of this Etde stream that its cannon fired on the first squadrons of 
die King's troops when they arrived on the hilltop but the advan 
tage of being OB faigfe ground served the King's men better than 
aay" speed they ihad made. Monsieur de la Ferte arrived in the 
ewmmg with tfae rest of the army, and the enemy having failed to 
seize Ais fxwtioa , retire4 & league higher up the stream over 
against the GMteau cTAfeJoa, where Monsieur le Prince joined 
them a few days iater> having passed over his troops [in two or 
three lajtge boats wMeh be found accidentally on the River], 

It was tke that the ene&yy.b&ng stronger by a half than Mon- 



I O2 



1652 TURENNE AT VILLENEUVE-SAINT-GEORGES 

sieur de Turenne, counted on a certain victory: they held him as it 
were in a cul-de-sac between the Seine and the Yerre, whence 
they did not think he could escape them. They knew that he had 
only four or five days' supply of bread at most in his waggons; he 
had no forage and could get none from anywhere, as all the sur 
rounding country was devastated ; and they hoped to finish the war 
without striking a blow. But the very night he had arrived at 
Villeneuve-Saint-Georges Monsieur de Turenne had had the 
good fortune to stop twenty-four or twenty-five boats, which 
proved the salvation of the army, because they served to make 
bridges over the Seine. 

No time was lost, The first bridge was finished In two or three 
days ; defences were built on the other side of the Seine to cover it, 
and the second bridge was finished a few days later. The difficul 
ties appeared insurmountable and yet they were overcome. At first 
there was neither wood nor money; but the enterprise of the artil 
lery officers and the liberality of the gamesters supplied the lack 
of both. The latter lent three hundred pistoles, a small enough 
sum, though even the Paymaster could not provide as much; the 
former demolished houses In the town and took the beams and 
planks from them. The communications that were thus established 
with the other side of the Seine provided forage for the cavalry 
which had been without any from the first days. In order to put 
itself In a better position to maintain this post, the army entrenched 
itself towards Limay, which was the only quarter from which the 
enemy could attack It. It was covered by a wood on the right, it 
had the Seine on the left and the Yerre protected its rear. Thus 
having to protect only its front, which was over against Limay 
and Grosbois, it had only to build lines between the five redoubts 
which the Due de Lorraine had raised there and which were still 
intact. 

While the men were digging the trenches and building the 
bridges, the enemy's army broke camp after putting a garrison In 
Ablon, and marched towards Brie with the intention of passing 
the Yerre and completely surrounding the King's army. When 
the enemy made this move Monsieur de Turenne thought It well 
to attack the Chateau d' Ablon in order to assure communication 
by water with Corbeil, a town from which he hoped to get every 
kind of provisions. [In order to this design, Motisr. de Rmae- 

103 



CAMPAIGNS OF THE DUKE OF YORK 1652 

villc was commanded out with a party of horse and foot, and two 
pieces of ordinance]. But before he had reached the chateau Mon 
sieur de Turenne s who had seen him pass over the bridge, was 
warned that some squadrons of the enemy had been observed be 
tween the wood and Limay. He immediately ordered Renneville 
to return to the camp and he himself went to the hilltop to recon 
noitre the enemy, believing at first that they were marching upon 
him. On arriving [he saw their foot beginning to appear; and that 
he might be inabied to make a true judgment, whither or no they 
intended immediatiy to attack him], he and the Duke of York put 
themselves among the skirmishers who drove off the enemy's 
skirmishers and enabled him to observe their movements more 
closely. [Mr. de Turenne who saw not clearly at a distance, would 
not trust his own eyesight, he therefore desired the Duke to ob 
serve] what they were doing. The Duke was the first to advise him 
that they were entrenching themselves, which having been con 
firmed by several other witnesses, he returned to the camp well 
satisfied that the enemy were not going to attack his lines which 
indeed were not yet quite finished. He made his men work unre 
mittingly on the trenches and put up palisades, and this having 
been completed in six hours, it was judged fitting to open the re 
doubts on the rear side because, from the way in which the Lor- 
rainers had built them, it would have been difficult to recover 
them if the enemy had once taken possession. 

At the same time as the Prince de Conde marched to Limay, 
the Due de Lorraine advanced further up the Yerre between Brie 
and the King's army. The enemy thought they had the latter 
Mocked, so that it could not quickly escape them ; and they did not 
doubt that they would either starve it out or reduce it to under- 
fmkmg some desperate action. After Monsieur le Prince had 
iaisJied his trenches which were very deep and within a cannon 
sh0t of Monsieur de Turenne's, his principal care was to build a 
bridge of boats a league below the Marshal's in order to interrupt 
Ms foragers and prevent his communicating with Corbeil on the 
far side of the Seine; at the same time Monsieur de Lorraine had 
parties continually otit in the country to prevent communications 
oo the Brie side of the river^ But before the enemy's bridge was 
finished, the King's troop captured the Chateau cfAblon, which 
rendered useless all the e&emy's precautions and assured com- 
104 



1652 TURENNE AT VILLENEUVE-SAINT-GEORGES 

munication by water with Corbeil. They also brought in a good 
supply of forage which they had found some way off, between 
Juvisy and Paris. 

The enemy's bridge being finished, the foragers were only able 
to go out with large escorts of infantry and cavalry, which was the 
more difficult as they had to go so far that they could not return 
the same day. But the Generals at last thought of an expedient 
that was both easier and less hazardous. Two hundred horse 67 
which had come to Corbeil after the taking of Montrond e8 were 
ordered to remain there. From this force little parties were de 
tached every day 68 to go roaming downstream on both sides of the 
Seine. They met parties from the camp who were doing the same 
thing as they went upstream. After communicating what they had 
discovered, each party would return to its own post, and when the 
men from the Marshal's camp reported that there was no danger, 
the foragers were sent out; they would then push beyond Corbeil 
and pass the river Essonne, after which they foraged at their ease, 
let their horses browse at night, then came back to the town and 
returned to the camp on one side of the Seine or the other, accord 
ing as they were advised that there was no danger. 

This method was pursued with such system and good fortune 
that no accident befell any of the convoys, and one can truly say 
that the French Monarchy was reduced to such an extremity that 
its salvation depended on each of these convoys; the loss of a single 
one might have caused the loss of the whole army. 

During this blockade little parties of the King's army pushed 
their forays very far in the direction of Orleans and sometimes 
went up to the gates of Paris, which greatly incommoded that 

67 The Life says 300. Turenne (I, 216) gives a clearer account. He had sent 
Vaubecourt (Nicolas d'Haussonville, comte de Vaubecourt) with troops from the 
main army to join the cavalry from Montrond, and this made up a force of abont 
2000 men to hold Corbeil. 

68 The was one of Conde's castles and is in Berry. Conde had spent part of his 
childhood here. It was here that, in September 1 65 1 in response to the urgings of his 
sister, of La Rochefoucauld, of Nemours and others, Conde had agreed, apparently 
against his better judgment, to make war on the Court. As early as February 1652 the 
Royalists had prepared to besiege it. The siege operations were left in the hands of 
*M, de Palluau* (Philippe de Clairambault, comte de Palluau), and the fortress had 
apparently surrendered in August. Bussy-Rabutin had distinguished himself during 
this siege. 

m Between c. 8 and 20 September 1652 (Turenne, I, 217, note i). 

105 



CAMPAIGNS OF THE DUKE OF YORK 1652 

great city whose commerce was interrupted on this side while on 
the other side the Princes' troops pillaged it as much. For some 
time the Parisians endured these importunities with a good deal of 
patience; the Prince de Cond6 was promising to rid them of the 
trouble before long and to end the war by forcing Monsieur de 
Turenne and his troops to submit. But when the results did not 
answer to the hopes with which they were daily entertained, they 
inclined more than ever to the side of the Court and returned to 
sentiments more in harmony with their duty. They reflected 
seriously on the blindness with which they had allowed themselves 
[to be devoured by Strangers, with no prospect of benefit accruing 
to their City or of advantage to the French Nation, but that they 
were only to be made the stalking horses of some ambitious 
spirits], whose only object was to engage them in their design of 
usurping the royal authority, 

The partisans of the Court took advantage of this better frame 
of mind and skilfully fomented [the misunderstandings which 
began to kindle betwixt the Parisians and the Princes]. The Car 
dinal de Retz 79 omitted nothing on his side that could increase 
them. People still remembered the massacre at the Hdtel de Ville 
and several other outbreaks which revealed the inclination of the 
populace. The firebrands who had so often set them in movement 
against the King's interest lost all credit, and this revived the cour 
age of his faithful subjects who now showed the others the abyss 
into which the Princes* ambition would hurl them. 

As the Generals* prudence had assured forage for the King's 
army and as the entrenchments were such that it would have been 
dangerous for the enemy to try to force them, [there happened] 
dbriiig the blockade only [frequent Skirmishes, which were not to 
foe molded on either side by reason of the nearness of the Lines] 
.Uftfee two armies. There was among others a considerable skir- 
ip^^ wMA aeartf engaged the armies in spite of their Generals. 
;1|ils l|i Bi^ i ' l 4 r ki6aas IkavtBg come to see the Princes* army, the 
who lad accompanied him wanted to show 
A^|^ i a^ 1 c^^ oat of tie 'lines to fire their pistols at the 
' l sm>tb&eL coaming ib great numbers and 



Tfee terse welre sMrmishing in the plain 

Reto 'apt* ivdM^/ijitefiG^ fte"S5% to! 'Qeen-Motf].er at Complteie 

^" r ^ 



1652 TURENNE AT VILLENEUVE-SAINT-GEORGES 

and the foot soldiers were doing the same thing in the vineyards 
which stretched from the bottom of the slope to the top of the hill. 
The affair grew so serious and the volunteers on both sides came 
so near each other [that Monsr. de Turenne was forced to send 
out Mr. le Marquis de Richelieu 71 with severall small bodies of 
horse] [to disengage them; which the Prince observing, did the 
like on his side]. There w r ere several killed or wounded in both 
armies. A captain of the Regiment of Douglas named Tiry, who 
was captured, escaped a few days later and brought Monsieur de 
Turenne the news that the Prince de Cond had fallen sick and 
had been taken to Paris ; and that the [leaders of the Faction were 
still endeavouring to keep up the hearts] of that party by en 
couraging the hope that the King's army was lost. If they thought 
so they were grossly deceiving themselves, [for the longer the 
Army stayd at Villeneuve St. Georges, the better they were 
supplyd, being furnish'd very plentifully] from Corbeil. 

Meanwhile a very notable action was performed by Le Sieur 
Seguin, Captain of Horse in the Regiment of Beaunaux. 72 He often 
led out parties. He had gone out this time with a hundred men 
[and having put himself in ambush to fall on the foragers of the 
Enemy], he let them arrive and set about their work. He then 
came out to capture them when, discovering a squadron on a hill 
nearby, he went to charge it, thinking it was the only escort they 
had. But on approaching he found four other squadrons. He 
immediately made up his mind and told his men in a few words 
that [It was now too late to think of a retreat, and that they must 
instantly resolve to work out their safety with their swords]. He 
divided them into five small bodies each in two ranks [and they 
attack'd the Enemy so vigourously that they routed them, killing 
sixty on the place] [and taking fifty prisoners]. Thus, despite a 
great inequality in numbers, he defeated the old Regiment of 
Wirtemberg whose Major and two Captains were among those 
captured. 

[The Court was all this while either at Pontoise, or at St. Ger 
main's, and maintained their intelligence at Paris], from which 
place they were well informed of what was happening and of the 

71 Jean-Baptiste-Amador de Vig^aerot du Plessk, not to be confused witii Armand- 
Jean dn Flessk, due de RickeHea. 

is am error Jbc i Beanveaa > . 

107 



CAMPAIGNS OF THE DUKE OF YORK 1652 

discontent of the Parisians with the Princes for keeping up the 
war at their gates; and negotiations being now well on foot, the 
Court went to ask the two Generals [to know whither (sic) they 
thought it possible for them to bring off the Army from their post] 
without risking anything and to find means of rejoining the King 
in order to promote the treaty which was being discussed with the 
Parisians. 

Preparations were at once set on foot for breaking camp. 
Twelve bridges were built over the little stream [under pretence 
that they were for the conveniency of the foragers] and orders 
were sent to the troops at Corbeil [to make some redouts upon a 
higth before that Town] so that the enemy might be still better 
persuaded that the only object was to assure the foragers on every 
side. [When both these commandes were executed on the 4th of 
October, an hour before Sun sett], all the troops were ordered to 
prepare to march. As soon as it was night the baggage was passed 
over towards Corbeil in great silence by the lowest path along the 
Seine, Cavalry and dragoons were placed at the head of the 
column with orders that on arriving near the town they were to 
draw up in battle order on the hill behind the redoubts. 

[So soon as the baggage had past the bridges] [the troopes in 
their order began to march; but neither the Guards or Centrys 
were drawn from the Line, till the whole Army was past over] the 
little stream. Then the bridges were broken to prevent the enemy 
from using them and following the King's army, if they should dis 
cover it was retreating. [But they were so far from suspecting] 
this, [that they had designed that very night to have storm'd] the 
iiert day [the Regiment of Nettencour] which was with a guard of 
forty horse in the defence work that covered the two bridgeheads 
on the other side of the Seine. 

In order better to succeed in this, the enemy had prepared 
great foals of wood which they allowed to drift down the middle 
of the river from a league further up so that the shock of the tim- 
bor against the bridges might carry them away. The plan suc 
ceeded; and when the regiment of Nettencour wanted to pass 
over, as it had been ordered* it found the bridges broken. Mon 
sieur de Tureane, being advised of this, ordered the regiment to 
proceed to Corbeil along the river bank, as he did not judge fit to 
delay the march of his troops on account of this mishap. The 
108 



1652 THE KING'S ARMY WITHDRAWN 

regiment succeeded in passing over at Corbeil and joining the 
army. On the next day somewhat before dawn, the enemy who 
had gone to attack the defence work were much surprised at 
finding it abandoned, but they were still more so at no longer see 
ing the King's army; and they were the first to advise their Gener 
als of the circumstance. But it was now too late, and even had they 
known earlier, they could not have done much harm, because 
after the army had marched a little more than a league, the ground 
became so favourable that it had nothing more to fear. It was 
covered on one side by the Seine and on the other by the ForSt de 
Sennart; the space between was not so wide that the army could 
not fill it, so that the enemy could neither overtake nor attack it in 
flank; and the nearer one approached Corbeil the narrower the 
ground became. The whole army reached Corbeil before sunrise. 
Although the troops were to remain only one night in order to 
rest, trenches were dug and palisades set up to prevent their being 
taken by surprise should the enemy feel any wish to fight. The 
next morning, being the 6th, the army marched to Chaulmes and 
arrived in the evening [with intention to pass the Marne at 
Meaux] and then to join the Court either at Pontolse or at Saint- 
Germain. That day was difficult and dangerous. The enemy might 
have attacked the army If they had wished. [The Army march'd so 
orderly, that In a quarter of an hour they might all haue been 
drawn up In] battle order. The van advanced in two columns, the 
first squadron at the head of the left-hand column being the first 
of the first line, and the squadron at the head of the right-hand 
column being the first of the second line, following the regular 
order. They observed the regular distances as if they had been 
ready to fight. The Infantry followed the cavalry in the same order; 
[the first line of foot marching after the first of horse, and the 
second after the same manner; the Gens d'armes marching in 
their usuall place] [betwixt the two lines of foot, and the other 
wing of horse followed the foot in the same method: so that], 
should the enemy appear, the whole army was ready to receive 
him by taming to the left. 

[The Train of Artillery, with the quessons, 73 march'd on the 
right hand of the foot, and the baggage on the right hand of 
them]. As the enemy had undertaken nothing that day, the King's 
73 That is? cats^mT^maSy ammnnitioii waggons. 

109 



CAMPAIGNS OF THE DUKE OF YORK 1652 

army marched with less constraint to Presle, to Tournan and 
Quince, and [on the i ith they pass'd the Marne neer Meaux, and 
incamped the same night at] Retz [from whence they marched to 
Mont 1'Eueque, 74 then to Courteuil, where they had the River 
which runs by that place to cover them]. This retreat, which 
greatly surprised the enemy, completely ruined their credit with 
the Parisians who were tired of enduring the burden of a war that 
overwhelmed them. They more and more wished to see it ended 
by the return of the King, whose friends now took advantage of 
this favourable conjuncture. [The Prince of Conde, and Duke of 
Lorraine, found it was not their intrest to stay any longer] in the 
neighbourhood of Paris, because a longer stay would finally lose 
them the few friends they still had there and whom they could 
only keep by going away. Winter, besides, was coming on and the 
country was so ruined that it would have been nearly impossible 
to find subsistance for their troops. [For these and perhaps some 
other unknown reasons,] the Princes [were forced to a resolution 
of leaving Paris, and found there was no other expedient but to 
winter their Armys in Champagne and Lorraine; the Spanish 
Army being to joine them at Rhetel, and to assist them in taking 
such places in those Countries, as wou'd secure them in their 
quarters. As for the Duke of Orleans and his daughter Mad- 
moiselle, it was] decided [that they shou'd remain still at Paris, to 
use their intrest and endeavours to hinder that Town from receiv 
ing the King], All these resolutions were immediately put into 
execution, for the King's army being, towards the I4th of Octo 
ber, still only at Courteuil near Senlis, the enemy's army passed 
near by them on the road to Champagne. 

The Court then believed it was to its interest to return to Paris, 
and Monsieur de Turenne went to Saint-Germain expressly to 
decide it on this course. He pointed out the necessity of it and 
said that, the opportunity being favourable, they should take 
advantage of it and not give the Parisians time to recover from the 
disgust which they had conceived for the Princes and which their 
absence and the removal of their troops might dissipate. [To 
strengthen this advice, he made it manifest. That if the King 
possessed not himself of Paris, there was no possibility of procur 
ing winter-quarters for their troopes] ; that, without that, they 

74 Mont FEveque, 
110 



1652 THE KING ENTERS PARIS 

would not be in a position, in the following year's campaign, to 
make head against the enemy's forces which would be very 
numerous; [for shou'd Paris refuse to admitt the King, the rest of 
the great places wou'd] [follow their example] ; finally, [To con 
clude, he affirm'd that all depended on the good or ill Success of 
that affaire. These reasons, which are but lightly touched here], 
appeared so strong to the Council that they were approved. The 
Court left Saint-Germain, but on its reaching the Bois de Bou 
logne by the bridge at Saint-Cloud, the others being broken, 
there came persons from Paris who addressed certain members of 
the Council and argued that the enterprise was dangerous and 
that there was temerity in thus risking the King's person. These 
gentlemen took alarm and went to the Queen's coach, in which 
the King was riding, in order to dissuade their Majesties from 
going further. The coach stopped and Monsieur de Turenne and 
the rest of the Council were called to deliberate on what was to be 
done. They [were all of opinion. That their Maties shou'd return 
to St. Germains]. Only Monsieur de Turenne [persisted in the 
former resolution, urging all the arguments which had perswaded 
that opinion], [Adding], that after the step which had just been 
taken, to go back [would now be both prejudiciall to the King's 
affaires] and to his honour, [as shewing a manifest want of resolu 
tion] which would expose the Court to scorn, [dishearten their 
Freinds, and encourage their Enemies]. He said that everything 
was to be feared from a change which would display so much 
timidity and [That he look'd on those persons who brought this 
advice, either as covert Enemies to the King by endeavouring to 
hinder his coming into Paris, or at least as men of weak judg 
ments] whose sentiments ought not to be followed. 

The Queen, who was difficult to frighten and whose courage 
was dauntless, followed Monsieur de Turenne's opinion against 
the views of the rest of the Council. She said that on so important 
an occasion it was better to expose herself and her son to the dan 
gers they might incur than to lose their reputation by an action as 
shameful as their return would be; for this would entirely ruin 
their affairs and they could never hope to re-enter Paris if they 
lost this opportunity. It was decided to go forward. The King ad 
vanced at the head of his Guard and entered the city by the Porte 
Saint-Honor^; and instead of the opposition with the fear of which 

in 



CAMPAIGNS OF THE DUKE OP YORK 1652 

they had tried to frighten him, he was greeted everywhere with 
acclamations of popular joy and was accompanied to the Louvre 
by a crowd of people who kept crying out: 'Vive le Roi'. [The 
Duke of Orleans, as the King enter'd at one end of the City, went 
out at the other] and Mademoiselle, who had remained in her 
apartment in the Tuileries, was ordered to leave Paris, and 
obeyed. [Monsr. de Turenne returned] immediately [to the Army, 
and about the end of the month began his march after the Enemy, 
who] [had possest themselves of Chateau-Porcien, and Rhetel 
upon the Aysne], where they found little resistance. [From thence 
they went to St Menehou] which defended itself well [tho forced 
at last to surrender on composition]. 75 [Besides the ordinary gar 
rison that was in it, there were but four Companies of the Duke's 
Regiment, which got into it before it was invested]. 

When the Princes' army left the neighbourhood of Paris, [the 
two foot Regiments of la Ferte and York, with some horse of la 
Ferte's troopes, were sent away in all hast, with orders to put 
themselves into St Menehou, and the places of Barois], The 
Marshal 76 [himself went also to Nancy, to secure his government 
of Lorraine in the best manner he was able, suspecting that the 
Enemy's design would be to take up their winter-quarter in those 
parts, as accordingly it came to pass]. 

The King's army now marching into Champagne, camped on 
the 2nd of November at Balieux [where they were oblig'd to stop 
a whole day; because the Soldiers in coming thether found so 
great a quantity of new wine] and got so generally drunk that there 
[came not enough up to the quarter, to make the ordinary guard] 
for the General and the Duke of York. After they were got to 
gether they marched on the 4th to [Dizi neer Epernay, where they 
passed the Marne on the -jth of November, to keep that River 
betwixt them and the Enemy, who were then about Rhetel], 
where [the Count de Fuenseldagne 77 had joyn'd them with a con- 

754 fut enfin force de se rendre a composition' (MS., p. 65). St. Menehou is, of 
course, Sainte-Menehould. 

76 That is, La Ferte. 

77 Luis-Perez de Vivero, conde de Fuensaldana, soldier and diplomat. He had 
been the Archduke Leopold's general from as early as 1 648, and had led the Spanish 
cavalry at the battle of Lens. The Baron de Woerden describes him as un homme 
d'une extreme probite, froid, pas communicatif, mais dont Tamme*, une fois donnee, 
ne se dementait pas' (cited by Miss Godley, p. 41 5). He was to be a thorn in Conde's 

112 



1652 THE SIEGE OF BAR-LE-DUC 

siderable part of the Spanish Army]. This obliged Monsieur de 
Turenne to keep always at a reasonable distance and behind some 
river or some defile so as not to run the risk of being surprised. 
On the 6th the army marched to Chaype [and after they had stayd 
there three or four days, they] repassed the Marne [and quarter'd 
at Vitry-le-Brusle]. On the i6th they marched to Vitry-le-Fran- 
<jois, [still governing their motion according to that of the 
Enemy]. 

While the King's army was camping in these different places, 
Sainte-Menehould was taken about the I3th of November. The 
enemy there disbanded the troops of the Due d'Orleans who were 
in their army and allowed them [to return into France, on condi 
tion they shou'd not serve] the King [during the rest of the Cam- 
pagne] or in any other on that side of the country. [Wherupon 
they went immediatly to quarters appointed for them in Picardy, 
and were the next year sent to serve in the Armys on the other 
fronteers of France], The enemy then went to besiege Bar-le-Duc. 
Monsieur de la Ferte had sent to command one named Roussil- 
lon [with such a garrison as was sufficient to haue defended it a 
longer time then he did]. He was nevertheless vain enough to 
refuse a reinforcement of 500 men which Monsieur de Turenne 
had sent to Saint-Dizier during the siege of Sainte-Menehould 
[with orders to march for Barleduc, in case the Governour should 
haue occasion for them]. He thanked [Monsr, de Turenne for his 
care of him, assur'd him with all, that he was well prepar'd to re 
ceive the Enemy whensoever they shou'd dare to approach him], 
He repeated this when he was invested and promised [that he 
wou'd give a good account of the place]. [It was on the i8th, 
when this news came to Mr. de Turenne, when he was at Vitry le 
Francis]. He at once broke camp to go and help him with all 
possible diligence, [and that the Enemy might have no intelli 
gence of his approache, he repassed the Marne at Vitry], and 
skirting the river which was on his left, [by break of day came to 
St. Dizier]. He halted there for six hours to rest his troops, [but 
lust as he was preparing to march again, he received intelligence 

side. He and Conde in fact disliked each other from the outset, Conde later com 
plained so bitterly of him in correspondence with Madrid that in 1656 Fuensaldagna 
was sent as viceroy to Milan, while Caracena, the governor of Milan, was appointed 
commander in the Netherlands. 

"3 



CAMPAIGNS OF THE DUKE OF YORK 1652 

that both the Town and Castle were surrendered to the Enemy] ; 
and this stopped the army's advancing. ^ 

This news was the more disagreeable as it spoiled the design 
[not only of succuring the place, but also of defeating the Enemy] 
or [of puting them to so hasty a retreat, that] at least [they must] 
[haue lost their baggage and their canon]. Never had enterprise 
been more judiciously concerted, [for tho the Royall Army was 
much inferiour to the Enemys in number, yet the ground was] so 
advantageous on the side from which the army was marching on 
them, that it ran no risk, the country being covered with woods^ 

Monsieur de Turenne had 6000 well disciplined infantry, [his 
Army having been reinforced both with horse and infantry] which 
had been taken [from the garrisons of Artois and Picardy and other 
places, which could well spare them when the Enemy was de 
parted out of France]. [By the favour of these] [woods and sud- 
dainess of the march] the Army had fallen on the enemy when they 
least expected it; [they cou'd haue received no considerable bene 
fit by their intelligence: for such is the Situation of the place, and 
such the disadvantage of the post for those who attack the Town, 
against] an Army [who comes to releive it], that their entrench 
ments are useless and cannot be defended. [The woods extend in 
length within a league of the Town, and from the woods to the 
Castle lyes a spacious plaine]. The castle stands on the level of the 
plain, and the upper town is [upon the brink of a descent which 
leads to the lower Town]. In the bottom, which is narrow and be 
tween two hills, flows a little brook, [and the ascent on each side is 
steep and troublesome], so that the King's troops would only 
have had to fight against the enemy who were on their side of the 
brook and who would have passed their time very ill between the 
army which would have attacked them and the castle, and between 
the wood and the castle, and they could only have retreated in so 
much confusion that they would have fallen over one another. 
When Monsieur de Turenne had formed this design, he thought 
he would find the whole of the enemy's army together; he was not 
aware, as he learned afterwards, that Fuensaldagna had retired 
with the greater part of his troops ; for the Spanish general did not 
know that the King's army was as strong as it was, and he thought 
that the Prince de Conde and the Due de Lorraine [were suffi 
cient to take in all the Barois, and there to make good their winter 

114 



1652 THE SIEGE OF BAR-LE-DUC 

quarters]. Thus a great success was missed by the indiscretion of 
Monsieur de Roussillon who had so little brains that he allowed 
[the four best Companies of his garrison] to be taken [in the lower 
Town], although it was defended by a fairly good wall and sur 
rounded by a ditch full of water. He could at least have held out 
until a breach had been made ; but the enemy, having taken pos 
session of it on the day they arrived before the place and not think 
ing fit to attack on that side, [the next day raised a battery upon 
the Plaine against the Castle; and their guns no sooner playd] 
than the Governor, without even waiting for them to make a 
breach, agreed to leave the place the next day. 

At this siege [the Duke of Lorraine lost Mr. Fouge a Lieuten 
ant General!, and the best Officer in his Army; he was kill'd the 
neight after they had taken the lower Town]. [Being at supper 
with the Prince of Conde], [in one of the next houses to the upper 
Town, and making a debauch, he grew so drunk, that he ran out] 
in a fit of bravado [at a back door with a napekin on his head, to be 
discern J d the better], [and to provoke the Enemy to shoot at him. 
The Cheualier de Guise and the Prince of Conde himself ran out 
after him to bring him back ; but before they could hale him in, he 
receiv'd a shott which kill'd him]. The prompt taking of Bar-le- 
Duc [gave time to the Enemy to make themselves master of 
Ligny, Voy, and Commercy, because Mr. de Turenne being ig 
norant of Mr. de Fuensaldagne's departure durst not come too 
near them, for which reason he stayd two or three days at St 
Dizier], during which time they made new progress, and these 
three places, having only weak garrisons offered little or no resist 
ance. 

[From St Dizier the Royall Army advanced] [to Stinville, 
where there came up to them a considerable recruit] [composed of 
the Duke of Longueville's Regiment of horse, 78 which consisted 
of three hundred, and that of his foot which were about twelve 
hundred, with them came also the Earle of Bristol's 79 Regiment of 

78 Not presumably commanded by the Duke, who had been one of the Frondeurs. 
Henri d' Orleans, due de Longueville, was the husband of the famous Anne-Genevieve 
de Bourbon, Conde's sister. 

79 George Digby. He apparently disliked the Duke of York and in 1657, when 
Charles II forced his brother to take service with the Spaniards, Bristol intrigued 
against the Duke. He subsequently turned Catholic, and it was he who, in 1662, 
moved to impeach Clarendon, a move which fortunately came to nothing. 



CAMPAIGNS OF THE DUKE OF YORK 1652 

horse and Company of ordinance; and tho they were all but new 
rals r d souldiers, excepting the company of ordinance, so that no 
great service cou'd be expected from them, yet their number did 
good, because they gave reputation. At this Town of Stinville, 
Monsr. de Turenne had the first intelligence that the Count of 
Fuensaldagne was gone] [and upon this notice which was given 
on the 25th,] he resolved to give battle to the enemy, [or in case 
they avoided it,] to oblige them to leave the winter-quarters in 
which they thought themselves so well established that they had 
already shared them out. The event will show how greatly they 
had been deceived, [for upon M. de Turenne's advancing to them 
the next day, they were so far from being able to compass their 
designs, that they durst not] make head against Monsieur de 
Turenne. They suddenly broke camp, passing the Meuse at Voy, 
where Monsieur le Prince was advised that the King's army was 
marching upon him, and [leaving the River on their left hand, they 
made what hast they could towards Luxembourg, and Mr. de 
Turenne follow'd them so close, that for the most part he came 
about noon to the place where they had quartered the night before]. 
He kept their spurs busy 80 [till he came to St Michel on the 3oth 
on the forenoon]. He did not think fit [to follow them any further, 
they being so near the shelter of their own Country that they were 
out of danger]. 

Monsieur de Turenne now only thought of [finding out means 
to refresh his Army, especially the foot, which were exceedingly 
harass'd with the great and painfull marches they had taken, and] 
were lacking bread. The enemy who had been constantly fol 
lowed, had eaten up the country everywhere. The waggons were 
empty, [it being actually impossible for the Commissary of the 
Victualls to provide bread for them.] Monsieur de Turenne sent 
to ask the inhabitants of Saint-Mihiel for bread, [but they making 
a difficulty of obeying him, and pretending they could not furnish] 
a great enough [quantity in one day], he found himself obliged, in 
order not to let his army die of hunger, to send all his foot, gen 
darmes, and cannon into the town, [quartering the horse in the 
neighbouring Villages. The Army's stay in this was very short, 
however it serv'd to refresh the soldiers]. But Monsieur de la 

80 'On leur chaussa ainsy les eperons jusqu au 30 qu'on arriva le matin a St 
Mite? (MS., p. 70). 

116 



1652 DISCORD BETWEEN LA FERTfi AND TURENNE 

Ferte being informed of it, himself came from Nancy which was 
only ten or twelve leagues distant, [to desire Monsr. de Turenne 
to leave the Town, being] so much [offended at his quartering 
there] that he did not pardon him for a long time, and this discord 
was afterwards very prejudicial to the King's affairs. Monsieur de 
Turenne's army had to leave the day after the arrival of Marshal 
de la Ferte, whose anger increasing when the inhabitants com 
plained to him about some of the soldiers, he followed the troops* 
march with his Guards, at the head of whom he charged the 
loiterers as if they had been enemies. He continued this behaviour 
as far as [the quarters of the Gendarmes who were not yet march'd 
out, nor wholly drawn together], [One of the Earle of Bristol's 
troope whose name was Manwaring] and who did not know him, 
seeing the violence with which he was laying about him, thought 
that these were the enemy, [and sett his pistoll to his brest which 
fortunatly for both miss'd firing]. One poor Gendarme was 
wounded with five or six sabre cuts and thrown down, but he 
recovered. Barkley, a cornet in the same company, got off more 
lightly; [for hearing the noise which was made by the Mareschall], 
he as well as Manwaring thought that the enemy had entered the 
town and advanced to the corner of the street, pistol in hand, but 
recognising the Marshal he at once lowered it and saluted him, 
and as the Marshal knew him he got off more lightly than the 
Gendarme. 

[The Army quarter'd that night at a Village calFd Villotte, and 
the next day march'd to Trouville which lyes betwixt Barr and 
Ligny: And. that evening M. de Turenne sent a party of horse 
and foot with canon and all things necessary to attack] this latter 
place. They first set up the battery at less than a half musket shot 
from the walls and dug trenches to right and left to put the infan 
try under cover and made [an epaulement or blind for the horse], 
[All this was perfected before Sun-rise the next morning, and 
then the battery began to play], A fair breach was opened before 
nightfall ; but the difficulty was to pass the ditch which was full of 
water, deep [and withall so brode that the ruines of the wall had 
not fill'd it up]. They none the less assaulted the place and [by the 
help of plancks and ladders and long] beams, [they passed the 
ditch] [and came up to the breach] which the enemy at once 
abandoned, and retired into the castle which was stronger. The 

117 



CAMPAIGNS OF THE DUKE OF YORK 1652 

next day Monsieur de Turenne marched with his troops to Bar-le- 
Duc, leaving Monsieur de la Ferte with his troops to besiege the 
castle of Ligny. 

On the night they arrived at Bar they set up [a battery against 
the lower Town,] [under the shelter of some houses which were 
almost upon the edge of the ditch, there being but a narrow way 
betwixt them and it. By morning their guns began to play, and 
though they were but few, and very small], [two of them being 
twelve pounders, one eight, and the other two but Six], 81 as these 
cannon were reinforced and could be given a double charge, 
[Monsr. de Champfort lieutenant of the ordnance, playd them 
so warmly, that by Sun-set they had open'd a faire breach]. 

[The Regiment of Picardy] [was to storme it] under the orders 
of Monsieur du Tot, 82 the oldest Lieutenant-General in France 
and the only one in this army. The breach was against the gate on 
the right as you enter, the gate being flanked only by two small 
round towers. It was preferred to attack this place rather than 
another, to avoid the trouble of filling in the ditch and because it 
would have been necessary to make a bigger breach elsewhere, 
[which would haue taken up more time then they were willing to 
spare]; whereas at this point it was easy to pass the ditch by the 
regular bridge and to jump down by the drawbridge of the wicket 
gate, [from whence they went under covert of the wall to mount 
the breach, which was not far distant], 

[All things being thus prepared], [Mr. de Turenne caus'd the 
battery to give two or three rounds upon the] Gate-Tower, which 
alone defended the breach, [that by shattering it, the men might 
haue the easier work]. Monsieur du Tot, who had orders to open 
the attack, [in stead of ordering the Commanded men to fall on 
first, and staying himself with the body], had, as his custom was, 
drunk a little too much for a commander. He followed the ser 
geant who was leading the attack and when jumping down from 
the little wicket gate, he was killed by a musket ball. This place 
was fatal to drunkards; but the Duke of York renders this justice 
to the nation that he affirms poor Monsieur du Tot was the only 

81 These figures refer of course to the weight of the cannon balls, 

82 Charles-Henri du Tot had served under Turenne in Germany as mar&hal-de- 
camp. Turenne, who speaks of him both in his Mlmoires and his Corresfondancc (Vol. 
I, ed. Marichal) seems to have reposed great confidence in him. 

118 



1652 THE SIEGE OF BAR-LE-DUC 

French officer whom he ever saw drunk in the armies. This acci 
dent caused no delay. The attackers passed through the wicket in 
single file and coming to the breach, in spite of the fire of the 
enemy whom the cannon could not dislodge from the Gate-Tower, 
they not only carried the breach, [but drove the Enemy from the 
Barricades which they had made behind it, and the streets, forcing 
them backward into the upper Town]. 

[There happen'd an accident to the Governour whose name was 
Despiller, which very much facilitated the taking of the lower 
Town]. Not believing that the assault would be delivered that 
evening, he had remained in the upper town, but the noise of the 
attack had obliged him to come down and to bring two hundred 
men to reinforce those who were defending the post. [In riding 
down, his horse fell with him, and so bruis'd his leg that he was 
forced to be carryd back into the upper Town]. Not many men 
were lost in this assault. [Besides Mr. du Tott no man of quality 
was kill'd, excepting only the Marquis d'Angeau a Volonteer], 
[Monsr. Poliac the first Captain of Picardy, who commanded that 
Regiment, the Major Officers being absent,] had a musket ball in 
the shoulder, and Godonviller, Captain in the same regiment, re 
ceived one in the belly. [Both recover'd]. 

Cardinal Mazarin reached the camp that day, bringing with 
him a reinforcement of troops which [had been drawn together 
from divers places, and were commanded by the Duke d'Elbeuf, 83 
and the Mareschall d'Aumont 84 ]. The Cardinal saw the lower 
town taken. This success was of little help for the taking of the 
upper town and the castle. These were attacked only in order to 
provide lodging for the infantry, the season being too severe for 
camping. The army found there an abundance of wine and bread 
which it greatly needed. [As for the horse they were conveniently 
quartered at the] surrounding villages fairly near the town. 

Although the frost was hard, the Prince de Conde resolved to 
try to succour the place. The army was warned of his march in 
good time and [it was resolved by the Cardinal and the Generalls, 
that Monsr. de Turenne and the Mareschall de la Ferte should 

83 Charles de Lorraine, due d'Elbeuf. 

84 Antoine d'Aumont. He played a more important part in the war from about 
1654 onwards, during the operations in Flanders. He was then a Marshal of France 
and governor of the Boulonnais. 

119 



CAMPAIGNS OF THE DUKE OF YORK 1652 

take the greatest part of the horse,] about three thousand foot and 
six fieldpieces [and march towards the Enemy]; and Uizt the 
Cardinal should follow at some distance, while Messieurs d El- 
beuf and d'Aumont with the rest of the troops should continue the 

siege. f 

It was learned [that the Enemy was coming by the way of 
Vaubecourt a bourg, about five leagues from Barleduc]. The 
King's army [marched towards them, Monsieur de Turenne 
having the van, and advanced as far as Condit] [which is but a 
league and a, half short of Vaubecourt* where just as the foremost 
troopes were come into their quarter, they had notice by a party of 
theirs] which [brought prisoners along with them, that the Prince 
of Conde was newly march'd into Vaubecourt,^ intending to 
quarter there that night, and having no intelligence of the 
Royalists being so near him]. [Monsieur Turenne sent imme- 
diatly to the Mareschall de la Ferte to give him notice of this, and 
withall to signify his opinion; which was, That they ought pre 
sently to march and fall upon] the enemy, [whom they should 
certainly find in great disorder, the quarter being plentifully 
stor'd with wine and all manner of provision, which would render 
it more difficult for their Commander to draw his men together, 
and cause them] to [get to horse; for their surprise would be so 
great] on finding themselves attacked, at a time when they thought 
the King's army was so far off, that one would win an easy victory. 
[But the Mareschall de la Ferte instead of consenting to this pro 
position, came himself to Monsieur de Turenne, and told him, He 
thought it no ways proper for them to attempt any thing of so 
great concernment, without the participation of the Cardinal who 
was] not far away; [and therfore advis'd that he shou'd first be 
made acquainted with it, and his directions receiv'd, before they 
undertook the Enterprize. Monsr. de Turenne, tho very unwil 
lingly, was constraint to yeeld to this opinion; upon which they 
dispatch'd a Messenger to inform the Cardinal by word of mouth,] 
of the great opportunity which was offered. [He returned the 
bearer in all hast to give his approbation : But th5 the Cardinal was 
only distant about a league or two at most], [the opportunity was 
overslip'd; for just as the Army was setting forward, another party 
of the Royalists brought word, that the Prince of Conde already 
was dislodg'd, as they beleev'd, because the Bourg was all on 



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OF THE SCOTTISH COLLEGE 




4. VlCOMTE DE TURENNE 



1652 THE SIEGE OF BAR-LE-DUC 

fire], and that their vanguard was no longer in sight. On advanc 
ing, the army recognised that Vaubecourt was indeed in flames, 
and another party confirmed the report that the enemy were re 
tiring in extreme haste. Whereupon Monsieur de Turenne re 
traced his steps to bring the troops back to their quarters, [not 
thinking it expedient to go further], [The next day they were in- 
form'd by some inhabitants of Vaubecourt that] the Prince de 
Conde, having been informed of Monsieur de Turenne's ap 
proach, had his men sound the call to arms and to horse, and that, 
[seeing his men not over hasty to leave] such good shelter, he had 
caused a fire to be started at each corner of the bourg in order to 
make them move out more promptly. His so fortunately escaping 
this danger made him more circumspect afterwards. [He thought 
it not convenient for him to stay any longer in those parts], seeing 
that the King's army was numerous enough to continue two sieges 
at once, and at the same time to come with half their troops to meet 
him. 

He was indebted to Monsieur de la Ferte for having escaped 
from so awkward a position, [for had not he oppos'd the Counsell 
of the Mareschall de Turenne, the Prince had certainly been sur 
prised] and beaten. [Neither did Monsr. de la Fert6 want either 
judgment or] experience to recognise that the opportunity was 
excellent; but since the affair at Saint-Mihiel, [his spleen was 
such] [that he regarded not what prejudice he did to his Masters 
sendee], if only he could deprive Monsieur de Turenne of the 
honour of having executed so important an enterprise. [Vh- 
doubtedly it was] to frustrate this [that he propos'd the sending to 
the Cardinal, that at least], if the affair succeeded, it might be said 
that the enemy had been attacked by his orders, and one ventures 
to say that any other than Monsieur de la Ferte who had [com 
mitted such a fault] [had payd deerly], [But he was so consider 
able] by his troops, his Government, and his credit that the Car 
dinal thought it necessary to dissimulate. 

When it was known that the enemy had quite departed from 
the Country, [M. de la Fert with the greatest part of the foot 
and some of the horse return'd to Bar] and Monsieur de Turenne 
put the rest in quarters at Contrisson, Ruvigny-aux-Vaches, and 
other villages which were only four leagues from Bar. [As for the 
Cardinal, he was quartered at a Village call'd Faine] a league from 

E 121 



CAMPAIGNS OF THE DUKE OF YORK 1652 

the town, [where he continued during all the Seige, which lasted 
not long after the Prince of Conde was retreated]. Yet the be 
siegers 85 (sic) [suffered two breaches to be made before they] 
spoke [of surrender]. At the first which was thought vulnerable, 86 
the soldiers on mounting to the assault found that there was on the 
other side a drop of a pike's depth which could not be jumped but 
[which was not discernable from without]. The army was obliged 
to set up a new battery against the castle where, Jwhen they had 
made a considerable breach], the besieged capitulated, surren 
dered [both the upper Town and the Castle] and remained pri 
soners of war. This happened towards the i5th of December. 
From the fact that the first breach we have spoken of was useless, 
one may draw a lesson which governors of towns may turn to ad 
vantage in defending them. Art may do what the nature of the 
ground did here. [For if a wall be reasonably strong and has a 
sound foundation], one may dig behind the place where a breach 
has been made a very deep and steep ditch [so as to render the 
breach as fruitless to the Assailants]. 

[In this Town of Barleduc amongst the other troop es which 
were left in it by M. de Lorraine, there was an Irish Regiment of 
foot, who seeing themselves prisoners of warr, and like to con 
tinue long in that condition, their Collonel dying the same day on 
which the Town was deliver'd up, and the Lieutenant Collonel 
having made his escape, sent to offer their seruice to the Duke, in 
case] the Duke of York [could obtain their liberty from the Car 
dinal; which being] [granted by him, that Regiment consisting in 
ten Companies with all their Officers were incorporated in the 
Duke's]. The Duke was at Ligny and they were sent there. 

[And now that Bar was taken, the Mareschall de la Ferte's men] 
marched to Ligny to [hasten the taking of the Castle, where no 
considerable attempt had yet been made while the other Seige 
continued]. They began to batter the wall, but before the breach 
was large enough, as there was shortage of cannon balls, the be 
sieged fortified the upper part with a strong palisade; whereupon 
Monsieur de la Fert [fasten'd a Miner on to the same place], 
where the ruins of the wall favoured a lodgement. In a short time 

85 *les assiegeans,' which is an obvious slip. The translator should have written 'les 
assizes'. 

86 'insultable. 9 

122 



1652 THE SIEGE OF THE CASTLE OF LIGNY 

the mine was ready to be fired. The regiments of York and Doug 
las were commanded to attack as soon as it should have produced 
its effect, and the regiment of La Ferte had orders to support 
them. The Comte d'Etres, 87 who was commanding the attack, 
sent the men forward without waiting for the smoke to clear, 
when they could see the effect of the mine. 88 They passed the 
ditch on the ice, the ditch being very wide, [but when they came 
to the breach they perceived], although too late, that the mine 
[had only carryd away the outward part of the Wall as far as 
where the Enemy had plac'd their pallisadej. As there was no 
means of advancing, the troops were ordered back, but to make 
matters worse, the [yce broke under them, and most of them fell 
into the] water of the ditch, which gave leisure to the besieged to 
open a heavy fire upon them. [Thus for want of a litle patience to 
see what effect the Mine had wrought, the Regiment of York lost 
four Captains, some Lieutenants and Enseigns, and about a 
hundred men], [and the Regimt of Douglas two Captains and 
neer fifty private Soldiers], not counting the wounded. 

That night the miner was fixed for a second time and the next 
day being the 22nd, the castle capitulated, surrendering on the 
same conditions as Bar-le-Duc. 

The Cardinal, whose appetite had grown with these successes, 89 
desired to push them further and to conclude the campaign with 
the taking of Sainte-Mcnehould. After leaving good garrisons in 
Ligny and Bar-le-Duc and repairing the breaches as much as the 
season would allow, the army left Contrisson on the 2yth and 
arrived next day at Sommieure where it remained until the 3Oth. 
During this march the troops had to be quartered in the villages 
as the rigours of winter made it impossible to camp. [The day 
they came to Sommyeur] [the frost was so very sharp, that all the 
horsemen were forced] to [march on foot] to keep warm; [thirty or 
forty soldiers] perished the same day [throw the extreamity of 
cold; for so soon as any of them who were not warmly cloth' d] 
[sat down for ease, the frost pierced them, and they were never 
able to raise (sic) again]. The Duke of York saw several frozen to 

87 Possibly Franois-Annibal d'Estrdes, marquis de Coeuvies, a son of the Marechal 
d'Estrees. 

88 This may have been due to La Ferte's impatience. 

89 'que ces succes avoient mis en gout.' 

123 



CAMPAIGNS OF THE DUKE OF YORK 1652 

death and a much greater number would have perished but for the 
care taken by the officers to put on horseback those whom they 
saw ready to succumb and to carry them to the first villages where 
they saved several of them by giving them brandy and other kinds 
of liquor. What made this frost keener and more penetrating was 
that [they were then marching over the] vast plains of Cham 
pagne, where there was no shelter against the [peircing north East 
wind] which was [blowing directly in their faces]. It was this also 
which prevented the siege of Sainte-Menehould. Monsieur de 
Turenne represented to the Cardinal the difficulties of undertak 
ing this in such cruel weather; he said that one could not, as at 
Bar or Ligny, find shelter for the infantry or forage in the neigh 
borhood for the cavalry, since there were no suburbs and the 
country had been eaten up by the enemy. He added that as the 
place was strong and defended by a large garrison, it would be 
necessary to lay formal siege to it and that instead of ending the 
campaign gloriously [they should hazard the] complete [ruine of 
the Army and be forced to raise the Seige dishonourably]. 

The Cardinal yielded at last to such good reasons. The army 
then marched towards Rethel by way of Menaucour and Grivy, 
[and on the first of January, 1 653, quarter'd at Attigny, which is 
scituated on the River Aisne]. They passed the river next day and 
came to Saux-aux-Bois. The siege of Rethel was found almost as 
difficult an undertaking as that of Sainte-Menehould, and this 
decided them to attack Chateau-Porcien two leagues further down, 
because they found there the same facilities as at the siege of Bar- 
le-Duc; only the castle was defensible, and the town, which they 
counted on seizing at once, could contain and shelter enough 
troops to lay siege to the castle. 

Monsieur de Turenne arrived on the 6th of January at Soin, 
where he quartered the greater part of his horse and a part of his 
foot in the town and the surrounding villages. It is only a league 
and a half from there to Chateau-Porcien and it was [the more 
proper place for hindering any succours from being put into that 
Town : The Care of advancing the Seige was repos'd on Monsieur 
d'Elbeuf and M. d'Aumont], Marshal de la Ferte established 
quarters for his horse at * * * 90 in order also to prevent any suc 
cour being given ; and the Cardinal lodged at Balhan. 

90 There is also a blank in the Life (I, r 54). 
124 



1652 THE SURRENDER OF CHATEAU-PORCIEN 

[Wee shall not relate the particulars of this Seige where the 
Duke was not constantly present, only what passed in the out 
quarters], where the duty was hard because of the approach of the 
Prince de Conde, who came to try to raise the siege. 

To prevent his doing this [all the horse that were quarter'd in 
the Villages about Soin] were ordered [to march thither every 
evening, and continue there all night, returning after Sun rise to 
their own quarters : The same method was duly observed by all the 
Mareschall de la Ferte's horse] ; and these fatiguing manoeuvres 
lasted as long as the siege, which was fortunately not very long. 
The town having been taken first, they did not delay in fixing the 
miner to the castle. When the miner was ready, [the Governour 
who was calPd Dubuisson capitulated to yield in four days, if 
during that time he was not releeved], [The Enemy having notice 
of this Treaty came as far as Chaumont to try] [to succour it]. It 
was thought on the last day that they [would have come to an en 
gagement]. Parties brought word that the enemy were marching 
to attack the King's troops. [They were drawn up in battell in the 
plain above the Castle], [in the passage of the Enemy], They re 
mained there until noon when it was learned that the enemy had 
retired. [An hour afterwards the Castle was delivered up accord 
ing to the agreement], the terms of which, owing to the rigours of 
the season, were more honourable for the garrison than they would 
have been at another time of the year. The garrison marched out 
with arms and baggage. It was this weather that made the Generals 
desire to take the place on any terms, the whole army being extra 
ordinarily fatigued and the surrounding country ruined. The foot 
suffered more than the rest and could not be supplied regularly 
with bread. The Commissary of Victuals had not been able to 
establish stores in [any of the neighbouring Towns] and [the 
Soldiers were forced to eat horse flesh] and other wretched food, 
and especially [the Stalks of Cabbages, which they call'd the 
Cardinal's bread]. 

However, when they thought they were going into winter- 
quarters, after passing the Aisne on the I3th and having been 
quartered at Poilcour and in the neighbouring villages, and then 
at Pouilly between Rheims and Fismes where they stayed two or 
three days, the Cardinal ordered the army [to march back over 
the Aisne, which they pass'd on the 2Oth at Pont-i-Vere, to retake 

125 



CAMPAIGNS OF THE DUKE OF YORK 1652 

Vervins] which [had been Mastered and garrisoned by the Spani 
ards In the foregoing summer. Tho this place was incapable of 
maintaining a Seige], [yet it was a good quarter, and would haue 
given much trouble to the neighbouring Countries; for which 
reason the Cardinal was desirous that the King's troopes should 
not end the Campagne before they had master'd it]. 

Never did soldiers or even officers march on an enterprise with 
more repugnance and murmuring. After enduring all the rigours 
of the frost, it was only with great impatience that they could 
endure the fatigue caused by the thaw in a hilly country where the 
clay made the roads impracticable, particularly between Pont-a- 
Vere and Laon, where the baggage nearly remained in the mud. 
And although after surmounting these difficulties they came into 
a more open country, the continuation of the thaw made the roads 
equally bad everywhere. This march ruined the greater part of the 
equipment and caused the loss of much baggage and many horses. 

On the a^th they arrived at Vaupe or Voirpaix, 91 a league from 
Vervins. The Duke of York who followed Monsieur de Turenne 
everywhere had gone with him to reconnoitre the place, and hav 
ing advanced very near with another gentleman, [the better to 
make their observations], he mistook a small party of horse from 
Vervins for men of the King's army, and only recognised his error 
when the enemy had come within pistol shot. They fired at the 
moment when he was going to ride in among them. But their 
haste gave him and the gentleman with him time to escape. 

[The next day about a thousand foot, and two hundred horse, 
were commanded] [to begin the attack of the Town, the garrison 
of which consisted] of nine hundred men, six hundred being foot 
and three hundred horse; Monsieur de Bassecourt, a Colonel and 
a brave man, was Governour. [The first night the Souldiers lodg'd 
themselves under the Shelter of some outhouses and gardens close 
by the Town wall, and the next night made a battery], which ob 
liged the enemy to capitulate on condition of marching out of the 
place with arms and baggage. 

[The Army receiv'd litle or no loss at this] small [Seige, yet tho 
it cost so litle time], there was continual murmuring because, after 
the taking of Chateau-Porcien, the troops had not been sent 
straight into winter-quarters; and as the enemy following his 

91 This alternative is not in the Life. 
126 



1652 WINTER QUARTERS 

custom proffered insults against the Cardinal from the walls of 
Vervins, [the Souldiers in stead of replying in his defence, only 
Said, Arnen^ to all their curses]. 

[The 28th] [in the morning Mr. de Turenne went and saw 
Bassecourt march out with his Souldiers, and having taken pos 
session of the place, he march'd back with his Army to] Cressy- 
sur-Saare, [and from thence to Laon,] whence [all the troopes 
were sent into their severall winter-quarters] ; [the Cardinal, and 
all the Generalls and persons of quality went for Paris, where they 
arrived on the 3d of February], 

[In this manner ended that long Campagne], during which 
Monsieur de Turenne acquired immortal fame through saving 
the monarchy several times by his counsel, his conduct, and his 
valour. 



127 



THE DUKE OF YORK'S 

SECOND CAMPAIGN 
UNDER M. DE TURENNE 

IN this year, 1653, his Royall Highness made his Second Cam 
pagne, in the company and under the conduct of Monsieur de 
Turenne, the greatest Captain of this and perhaps of any age, who 
was not a little delighted in having so illustrious a person for his 
Schollar in the discipline of warn Of this Campagne his R. High 
ness gives the following Account in his Memoires written in his 
own hand.* 

The Campagne of this year began but late on either side, which 
could not be otherwise considering how long it was before the 
last ended. Yet the wee went last out of the feild and many of our 
troopes had taken up their winter-quarters in Poitou, Anjou, la 
Marche, and other remote Provinces, Our Army was notwith 
standing in Champagne by the latter end of June; with so much 

* This paragraph (Life* ed. Ckrke, 1, 1 59) appears at the head of the entry for the 
Campaign of 1653. It is obviously a prefatory statement by the person, presumably 
William Dicconson, who edited or copied James's original memoirs, an edition or 
copy which was afterwards printed by J. S. Ckrke. The statement strongly suggests, 
though it does not absolutely prove, that what follows is an authentic copy of the 
original Memoirs. The same applies to the entries, in the Ckrke edition, for 1654, 
1655; the narrative of the Campaigns of 1657 and 1658; but not to 1656, the pre 
fatory portion of 1657, or the entry for 1659-1660. 

The entry for 1653 in the Ckrke edition, immediately following the prefatory 
statement, corresponds so closely with the test of the French MS. (pp. 87-1 1 5) that 
a translation of the ktter into English would appear to be no more than a retransk- 
tion. I therefore reprint the text of the Life (Vol. 1, 159-191). One difference must 
of course be noticed. In the text here reprinted the narrative is in the first person, a 
fact which has convinced me that the whole of James's original Memoirs was so 
written. The French MS. on the other hand is in die third person throughout. 

The words in italics and brackets were inserted by Ckrke to correct what he pre 
sumed to be errors, and, occasionally, to fill a gap in the MS. I have left them as they 
are. The footnotes are mine (Editor). 

128 



1653 THE SIEGE OF RETHEL 

diligence, that wee beseiged Rethel before the Spanish Army was 
gott together out of their winter-quarters. This place was of great 
consequence, being situated upon the River Aisne, and being an 
inlet into Champagne, of which it is a member; so that partys 
from thence might make incursions almost to the gates of Paris, 
and raise contributions even in its neighbourhood. It was taken 
about nine months before by the Prince of Conde, and put into 
the hands of the Spaniards upon his conjunction with them. 

It seems a little strange that a place of this consequence, and 
which in all probability would be the first attempt of the French to 
retake, should be no better provided with sufficient numbers of 
men for its defence ; for tho the Marquis of Persan a very good 
officer was Governour of it, yet Monsr. de Turenne without stay 
ing to make a Line of Circumvalation, storm'd the outworks the 
first night, and carryd them without any extraordinary loss of 
men. One cheif reason why the outworks were so easily gain'd was, 
that tho they had a good ditch and were high enough, yet being 
only of earth, and having no palissades, but upon the parapett, the 
French were the more encouraged to venture on them ; for when 
the Soldiers had once got up to them, their advantage was equall 
to that of the Enemys within, so that the greatest number must 
consequently carry it. 

This success did so hearten our men, and discourage theirs, 
that the Town itself whose best strength consisted in the out 
works, was quickly forced to capitulate; for wee brought our 
battery so near by the advantage of the outworks, that wee made 
In a short time two sufficient breaches, at each attack one, in the 
wall which was none of the strongest. This oblig'd the beseiged to 
parly on the 8th of July, and the next day to surrender the Town 
upon termes of marching away with their armes and baggage to 
their nearest garrison. The Articles being performed, our Army 
stayd a day or two to repair the breaches ; and having provided the 
place with all things necessary, and left in it a sufficient garrison, 
wee march'd away towards Guise, having been informed that 
the Enemy had appointed their generall Rendezvous near that 
place. 

But in our march thither, when wee lay incamped by a Village 
call'd Noircour, Intelligence came from the Governour of Rocroy, 
that part of their Army, which was marching to the Rendezvous, 

129 



CAMPAIGNS OF THE DUKE OF YORK 1653 

was quartered in several! Villages about Chimay, Trelon, and 
Glajon, on the other side of the great woods of the forest of Ar 
dennes, which were extended down that way; upon which infor 
mation, our Generalls resolv'd to march with all their troopes and 
some few feild pieces, leaving only five or six hundred men to 
guard the baggage, and to pass these large woods in hopes of sur 
prising the Enemy in their quarters before they could haue notice 
of our march. It happened to be Monsr. de Turenne's turn to lead 
the Van, who us'd all possible expedition, but after having pass'd 
by a certain Abbey call'd Bussilly, and got with the Van as far as 
Anort, 1 (Nost) which is almost on the farthest side of the woods, 
wee had intelligence by a small party which brought in some pri 
soners, that they had been advertised of our coming; so that seeing 
our design to be discover'd, wee march'd back by the same way 
wee came, and joyn'd our baggage on the I4th where wee had left 
it at Noircour, after wee had been three days abroad in this expe 
dition; and from thence wee march'd to Haris on the i yth, and so 
to S. Algis, where the King of France, and Cardinal Mazarin 
came to us. 

On the 25th wee went and camp'd at Ribemont, and in the 
mean time the Spanish Army consisting at least of thirty thousand 
men, assembled on the fronteers near Tarbre de Guise, and with 
proportionable train of Artillery and provisions of Victualls, began 
their march to enter France; of which the King being informed, it 
was debated in Councill before him and the Cardinal what was 
fittest for him to do, having so strong an Enemy to encounter, 
and our Army in the whole not amounting to above six thousand 
foot, and being scarce ten thousand horse. Some were of opinion 
that all our foot, excepting only a thousand commanded musket- 
teers, should be cast into the fronteer Towns, with some few horse 
to accompany them; and that with this small proportion of Infan 
try and the body of our horse, wee should keep near the Enemy's 
Army to incommode and harass them, as much as wee were able, 
by falling on their foragers and cutting off their Convoy's, in 
order to hinder them from attacking any of our Towns. 

Others were of opinion that wee should not separate our Army, 
but endeavour with the whole body of it to defend the passage of 
the Rivers in case the Enemy should advance into the Country, 

1 'Anort' in the MS. (p. 89). 
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1653 TURENNE'S COUNSEL PREVAILS 

thinking it to be of dangerous consequence (since Bordeaux still 
held out) if wee should permitt them a free inrode towards Paris, 
which was lately reduced to the King's obedience. 

But Monsieur de Turenne was of a quite different opinion from 
the two former; For, said he, should wee divide our Army, and 
put most of our foot and some horse into the Garrisons, wee 
should leave ourselves so inconsiderable, that the Enemy would 
easily drive the remaining small body of our forces into what part 
of the Country they should please; after which they would haue 
their choice of beseiging any of our Towns, by falling back upon 
them, and haue leisure enough to entrench themselves before wee 
could joyn together our Separated forces: besides which they 
would then be so far advanced in their work, that it would not be 
adviseable for us to sitt down before any of their places, for before 
wee could haue made any considerable progress in a Seige, they 
would haue taken a Town, and bee upon us; So that wee should 
be sure, according to that method, to haue lost one of our places, 
without Mastering one of theirs, tho of less importance. On the 
other side, tho wee kept our whole Army in a body, and lay 
behind our Rivers, with an intention of hindering the Enemys 
from passing over and advancing into our Country, wee should 
faile of what wee proposed to ourselves by that undertaking; for 
knowing them to outnumber us very much in foot, it would be 
very difficult for us to maintain any pass against them ; and besides 
it would not only be a very great discouragement to our Soldiers 
to be forced from their posts, but the consequence would also be 
very dangerous from the effects it might haue at Paris and in the 
Countries: So that considering the whole matter, he w-as of 
opinion, That wee should keep our Army intire and with it ob 
serve the motion of the Enemys, keeping as closs to them as con 
veniently wee could, either behind or on one side of them, without 
exposing ourselves so far as to be forced to an Ingagement when 
wee found it not for our advantage; by observing which method 
he hoped to (be) able to hinder them from beseiging any place of 
consequence, in doing of which they must be obliged to separate 
their Army, which they would hardly adventure to do, whilst 
wee were attending them so near, that before they could haue 
intrenched themselves and made their bridges of communi 
cation, wee should haue the opportunity of falling on which part 



CAMPAIGNS OF THE DUKE OF YORK 1653 

of them wee pleas'd; And besides he beleev'd not, that the7 would 
advance farr into the Country, seeing that if they did, wee should 
be able to hinder any Convoys from coming to them, without 
which they could not possibly subsist, or continue long in the 
heart of the French Dominions. 

These and other reasons offered by Monsr. de Turenne prevail'd 
upon the Cardinal, and consequently upon the King and Council! ; 
so that orders being given, and measures accordingly taken for 
carrying on the Campagne, the Court retired from the Army. 

In the mean time the Enemy having drawn all their forces into 
a body, began their march into the French Dominions betwixt the 
Rivers of Somme and Oyse; and incamped at Fonsomme and 
Fervaques, from whence they marched onwards on the first of 
August, and pass'd within sight of us the same day, continuing 
their march towards Ham, having the Somme on their right hand, 
and camp'd about St Simon and Clastres, where they imployd a 
whole day in passing the defiles: In the mean time upon their 
approche, wee put ourselves on battell, and seeing they came not 
to us, but continued their march, wee march'd the same day down 
along the River by which wee lay to a Village call'd Chery-Maiot, 
not farr from la Fere; where wee imployd all the next day in 
making bridges for our foot, and passages for our horse, intending 
to pass that River in case the Enemy pursued their march any 
further into the Country, of which wee had notice the next morn 
ing by our partys: But yet Monsieur de Turenne, unwilling to ex 
pose himself by marching over till he were more certain of the way 
they took, went over himself at break of day with about a thousand 
horse, and finding that the intelligence which his partys had 
brought him was altogether true, he sent back his orders for the 
Army to come over to him, which being performed wee march'd 
down the River, and camp'd on the third of August at Fargnier, 
having the woods to cover us from the Enemy, which were of as 
great security to us as a River; and receiving intelligence that they 
were advanced as far as Roye, which they took and plundered (it 
being only defended by the Townsmen, who tho they had no 
troopes amonst them yet suffered batteries to be rais'd which playd 
upon them before they would surrender) wee came on the jth to 
Noyon, and hearing there that Roye was taken, wee advanced on 
the 9th to Magny ; which tho on the other side of the woods was 

132 



1653 THE TWO ARMIES AT MONT ST QUENTIN 

yet so fast a Country, that wee were in no manner of danger, and 
besides it was not our design to keep too far distance from the 
Enemy. 

From thence Monsr. de Schomberg was sent with the Gen 
darmes, which consisted of about two hundred and fifty horse and 
a hundred foot, to cast himself into Corbie; and at the same time 
about three hundred foot were sent into Perofie, which were the 
only troopes wee ever put into any place from the Army, and 
having notice that they were drawing down towards the Somme, 
not far from Corbie, wee posted ourselves at Epperville closs by 
Ham on the loth of August. 

Wee were no sooner arriv'd there, but wee received intelligence 
that the Count of Megen, with about three thousand men, was to 
march out of Cambray the next day, to convoy great store of pro 
visions and all things necessary for a Seige, with great numbers of 
Pioneers, and all sorts of ammunition, and that he was to march 
with them to the River of Somme betwixt Peronne and Corbie, 
where, after they had mett him, new measures were to be taken : 
On this advertissemen t wee took our march passing over the Somme 
at Ham, and setting out a little before Sun sett, with an intention 
to fall on that Convoy, which wee hop'd to find on the plaine about 
Bapaume; And to make the greater Expedition, wee march'd 
away with all our horse, leaving only some few behind, to come 
along with the foot, artillery and baggage, which had order to 
follow with all imaginable diligence. Being come to Peronne by 
break of day, with our horse, wee took out from thence all the foot 
which had been sent thither from the Army, and all the garrison 
could spare beside, and continued our march towards Bapaume : 
Being come within two or three leagues of that place, wee halted 
to refresh our horses, and sent our partys towards Cambray, to 
give us notice of the motion of the Convoy: By noon they brought 
us intelligence, that the Enemy had begun their march out of 
Cambray, but being advertized of our coming were return'd into 
the Town : having received this information, and withall, that the 
Enemy's Army was come to the Somme near Bray, wee march'd 
back and met our foot, Artillery and baggage on the nth that 
night at Manancourt, a Village which ly's at the head of a litle 
brook, that runs from thence by Mont St Quentin and so into the 
Somme, not far from Peronne. 

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CAMPAIGNS OF THE DUKE OF YORK 1653 

There wee camp'd that night, and having notice the next morn 
ing, that the Enemy was making bridges over the River where 
they lay, it was thought expedient for us to retire, the same day, a 
litle back to Allayne another Village on the same brook, near 
Mont St Quentin ; having notwithstanding resolved in case they 
should pass the Somme, that wee should post ourselves some what 
above Manancourt, in a place which both our Mareshalls had 
view'd and determin'd there to draw up our Army in battell, upon 
the first notice wee should haue of their approche to us. But tho 
this was resolved by both our Generalls together, it was alter'd by 
one, without staying to hear from the other, on the next morning 
being the I3th: For Mr. de Turenne according to his usuall 
custome going out of his quarters by Sun rise, with some few in 
his Company, first went to visite our horse guard, which was on 
the other side of the brook; And from thence seeing nothing, nor 
hearing any news of any of our partys, which he had sent out the 
night before to bring him notice of the Enemys motion, he went 
to Peronne to send partys along the Somme, on the other side, to 
try if they cou'd discover any thing of the Spaniards' march; Not 
beleeving it possible that they cou'd be coming to us, but that 
either from Bapaume or by some of our own partys wee should 
haue been advertized: Yet it happened otherwise, for the Enemy 
march'd with so much diligence, that their Van was past Bapaume 
before break of day; so that neither our partys which were driven 
in there, nor any from the Town cou'd give us notice, the Spani 
ards being gotten betwixt us and them; and the first intelligence 
wee had of them was by Mr. de la Perth's horse guards, which 
were at the head of the litle brook : And he took the allarm so hott, 
that in stead of marching up to possess the ground, which was re 
solved on the day before, he having the left wing and being nearest 
it, march'd back towards Peronne, passing through our right 
wing; which following the orders they had received the day be 
fore, was beginning to march towards the fore appointed place 
where they were to be drawn up in battelL 

In this disorder wee were when Mareshall de Turenne came 
back from Peronne, and finding that already M. de la Fert6 with 
the left wing was beginning to draw up on Mont St Quentin, he 
went to his own troopes, which were to compose the right wing 
and joyn'd them with the left; it being then too late to possess our- 

134 



1653 THE TWO ARMIES AT MONT ST gUENTIN 

Selves of the former ground, because the Enemys Van was already 
very near it. 

There he resolv'd to expect the Enemy, who came on with 
great joy, as knowing the advantage they had over us, both in 
numbers and by getting us into a plaine feild, where wee could 
neither retreat from them, nor avoid fighting, if they pleas'd to 
ingage us ; And indeed I beleeve that if wee had not changed our 
ground wee should certainly haue been beaten: for, besides that 
they were much Superiour to us in number, as wee were then 
drawn up, the ground was such, that wee shou'd not haue been 
able to haue done any thing; because tho our order of battell was 
very good according to the new method, and that our second Line 
was placed at a convenient distance behind the first, and a reserve 
of twelve Squadrons of horse, with two battailons of foot behind 
that again, and our left wing placed upon Mont St Quentin, yet 
our right was in evident danger of being routed, for our utmost 
Squadron on that hand reached within pistoll shott to the bottome 
of a litle hill, to which the Enemy were marching, and from thence 
they could haue galPd us in the flanck, and playd upon us both 
with their cannon and Musketteers, before they came down to 
charg us : so that, as I sayd, wee had manifestly been beaten, with 
out being able to haue fought, it being then too late to haue chang'd 
our posture: And indeed not only M. de Turenne, but all of us 
who were on the right wing plainely saw it; neither could I say 
that ever in my life I perceiv'd so much confusion, and such signs 
of being beaten, as were visible in the face of the Soldiers. Mon 
sieur de Turenne no sooner had observed it, but he gallop'd away 
to Mr. de la Ferte on the left wing to give him notice; and withall 
to assure him, That if wee continued in that posture wee should in 
fallibly be routed; that therfore he was resolved to march up the 
hill, towards the Enemy, seeing wee could not be in a more dis 
advantageous position than now wee were; neither was there any 
other way remaining to encourage our Soldiers : Having told him 
this, and desired him to follow us, he returned speedily to our 
wing, and march'd up the hill immediatly at our head. 

He was no sooner arriv'd there with the first Squadrons, but he 
sent Monsr. de Varennes (an old experienced Officer) who had 
been Captain of his guards in all his German warrs, and in whom 
he had great confidence, to go before and view the ground over 

135 



CAMPAIGNS OF THE DUKE OF YORK 1653 

which wee were to pass : Wee had not march'd above a mile, when 
he came back to his General!, and let him know, that if he would 
come along with him, he would shew him such a post as he was 
sure would be of great advantage, and that it was not farr distant. 
Mr. de Turenne accordingly went before to observe it, and found 
it to his great satisfaction such a one as would wholy secure us 
from the Enemy: for in our right hand wee had the brook, which 
comes from Roiset, and afterwards falls into the Somme a litle 
above Peronne; and on our left a hill so inaccessible and steep, that 
neither horse nor man cou'd climb it; and the distance betwixt 
both was no more, then that twenty or thirty Squadrons cou'd pos 
sibly be drawn up in it. Before us there was a litle Valley, and on 
that part of it which lay nearest to the brook was a Ravine or small 
Gully, which wou'd haue been very difficult for any to haue pass'd, 
and horse especially. 

This was the post where wee drew up and where wee were no 
sooner posted, but the whole countenance of the Army was 
changed, and our men had their accustom'd cheerfulness in their 
faces, so that I am confident, had the Enemy attack' d us in that 
place, wee shou'd haue beaten them : For tho their numbers almost 
doubled ours, yet our troopes being very good, and well posted, 
wee had a great advantage ; And that wee might make it yet more 
secure for us and more difficult for them, when they shou'd en 
deavour to approche us, wee immediatly fell on making five 
Redans, open behind, and each of them capable of containing an 
hundred musketteers; between which wee placed our canon 
which were about thirty, so that the Enemy must haue endured 
the fire of all these, before he cou'd so much as see our troopes 
which stood behind, and then received a charge either of horse or 
foot, which was in our choice: After all this, the ground was so 
very narrow, that the Army under Monsr. de Turenne's command 
(being the right wing and half the foot) was constraint to be drawn 
up in four or five lines, behind each other. As for Mr. de la Ferte, 
he drew up with his troopes, which consisted of the left wing and 
the other half of the foot, all along the top of the Steep hill I have 
already mentioned, which cover'd our left hand and fronted that 
way. So that in case wee had been attacked by the front, he cou'd 
easily haue drawn his men to haue seconded us of the right wing. 

It was, as I remember, betwixt two and three of the clock in the 

136 



1653 THE TWO ARMIES AT MONT ST gUENTIN 

afternoon when wee drew up with our first Squadron in this post, 
when wee saw the whole Spanish Army march in battell to us, and 
coming about the end of the wood directly in our faces. This wood 
ran from within muskett shott of our Redans, all along upon the 
very height and browes of the steep hill which wee had on our left 
hand, which also happened to straighten the ground by which they 
were to approche us : In this manner they came on, thinking to 
haue fallen on us immediatly ; but being come within a mile and a 
half of us, or near that distance, they made a halt, wherupon most 
of their foot went down to the River to quench their thirst, being 
sufficiently tir'd with their long march, and almost chok'd for 
want of water, having met with none since they parted from the 
Somme, till they arrived at this place; So that it was absolutely 
necessary for their Officers to give way, that they should drink and 
refresh themselves. 

The Prince of Conde, as I have been since inform'd, would 
haue fallen upon us that evening, the I3th of August, but the 
Count de Fuenseldagne oppos'd it, representing to him the weari 
ness of their men, especially their foot, who after so tedious a 
march through a dry Country, and in so hott a Season, were not 
reasonably to be put on further duty till the next morning; besides 
which, it would be very difficult and almost impracticable to draw 
them from the River-side that evening; that so small a delay could 
not prejudice the Enterprise because they had us in their power, 
so that wee could not possibly get from them; but in the mean 
time their Soldiers would recover their Spirits and Strength by a 
good night's rest, and then they had the day before them: As for 
us at so short a warning wee could not do much for the further 
securing of ourselves ; but that they might haue the remainder of 
the evening to view the posture in which wee lay, and to observe 
the ground over which they were to pass to us. 

These arguments so prevailed with the Prince, that the thought 
of doing any thing farther that day was layd aside; and they 
camped in battaill where they lay. Next morning when he and the 
rest of their Generall Officers had view'd and consider'd the 
ground, finding the great advantages wee had by reason of our 
post, they gave over the intention of attacking us in that place; 
and so the two Armys continued in presence of each other, during 
three or four days: in all which time there happen'd no consider- 

137 



CAMPAIGNS OF THE DUKE OF YORK 1653 

able action, but almost perpetuall skirmishes. Yet there fell out 
one thing, which tho of no great concernment might deserve to be 
mention'd. 

There was a Lieutenant of horse in the Regiment Royall whose 
name was Bellechassaigne, a great goer out on partys, who was 
desirous to try if he could take some considerable Officer from the 
very Camp of the Enemy; having this in his head, he askt leave of 
Monsr. de Turenne to go out with a small party, which being 
granted him, he chose about fifteen good men to follow him, and 
with them put himself into the wood which I have mention'd, 
which reach'd from our Redans to the Enemy's Camp. Being 
there he order'd his Soldiers to disperse themselves, and under 
covert of the wood and favour of the night, one by one to get into 
the Camp, where they were to rejoyne again about midnight, at 
such a place as was a very remarkable (one) in their Camp, and 
was seen from ours; where being met, they should receiue In 
structions what to do: having given them this order, they all 
separated from each other, got safely amongst the Enemies, and 
assembled at the time and place appointed; from thence they went 
in a body to the Tent of one of the Prince of Cond6's Major Gen- 
eralls, or Mareshalls de Camp. This Officer's name was Monsr. de 
Ravenel, whom they intended to take out of his bed, and carry 
away with them; his Tent standing most conveniently for their 
business, and having no guard before it, which was the reason 
why they chose him out; all those of a Superiour quality having 
foot guards at the entrance of their Tents. Some of them therfore 
alighting from their horses went directly in, and had already seiz'd 
on two or three of his Servants without noise; when just as they 
were going to haue taken him, one of the prisoners slipp'd out of 
their hands, and gave the alarm, which forced Bellechassaigne to 
leave Ravenel and make what hast he could possibly to Save him 
self, which he did and brought along with him a horse or two, and 
as many of those whom he had first secured. He might haue kill'd 
Ravenel himself, but in those Countries they make not Warr so 
brutally, for I never knew any unhuman act committed either by 
French or Spaniards all the time I serv'd amongst them. 

But to proceed : After the Enemy had stayd three or four days 
facing us, on the i6th of August about break of day wee heard 
them sound to horse and beat the march for the foot; and by that 

138 



1653 THE TWO ARMIES AT MONT ST QUENTIN 

time It was break of day, wee saw them begin to march: Vpon 
which wee stood immediatly to our armes, and Monsr. de Tu- 
renne himself with two Squadrons of our horse guards went up 
towards their Camp, the better to observe which way they bent 
their march, that therby he might make some kind of conjecture 
what place they intended to beseige. When he was come about 
halfway distance betwixt our Camp and theirs, he left behind him 
one of the Squadrons and advanced with the other, yet somewhat 
farther and then stayd with it; sending me, with Monsr. de Castel- 
nau 2 and about twelve more, all Officers or Volonteers who were 
excellently hors'd, to go on as far as conveniently wee cou'd, with 
order not to engage, but to come off in case wee should be push'd. 
Accordingly wee went up into the very Camp of the Enemys, and 
as far as the hutts of the foot, when the Reer of their Cavalry were 
not yet gotten out of the Camp. There wee made a stand and had a 
perfect view of their whole Army, after which wee went within 
pistoll shott of their last Squadrons, not offering to disturb them, 
nor they us : Thus when wee had satisfy d ourselves with looking, 
and saw plainly they bent towards St Quentin, wee returned to 
Mr. de Turenne, who straight going back to his own Camp, dis- 
patch'd away Mr. de Beaujeu one of our Lieutenant Generalls, 
with twelve hundred horse and six hundred foot, to cast himself 
either into Guise, which place he beleeved the Enemy intended to 
beseige, or into any other place before which they should offer to 
ly down. And Beaujeu made such expedition, that he got into 
Guise just as their first horse appear'd to invest that Town : which 
when the Enemy perceived, and withall the great diligence which 
our whole Army had us'd for the same intent, they layd aside the 

2 Jacques de Mauvissiere, marquis de Castelnau, was a grandson of the famous 
Mauvissiere who had served for some ten years as ambassador in London during the 
reign of Elizabeth I. His Mimoires are a valuable source for the history of the kter 
Valois. Jacques, marquis de Castelnau (1620-1658) had entered the army at the age 
of fifteen and taken part in many battles. Captured and imprisoned at Cambrai in 
1637, he had escaped and later distinguished himself at Nordlingen (1645). He was 
at this time a Lieutenant-General. James criticises his behaviour on two occasions, 
particularly when Conde was covering the retreat of the Spanish army across the 
Scheldt in August 1655, and Castelnau failed to interfere seriously with him. On the 
other hand he was a model of loyalty and chivalry, and very popular in the army. In 
1658 he inspired enthusiasm and confidence in the English troops, and his great 
cavalry operation at the battle of the Dunes played a decisive part in Turenne's vic 
tory. He was killed shortly afterwards and was posthumously promoted a Marshal of 
France. 

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CAMPAIGNS OF THE DUKE OF YORK 1653 

thoughts of that Enterprise ; and after having stayd some few days 
in that neighbourhood, march'd back, and incamped at Caulaln- 
court, within a league of the Abbey of Vermand, upon the same 
brook, about two leagues from St Quentin, it being so far on the 
way from thence to Peronne, 

As for our Army, so soon as Mr. de Beaujeu was detach' d, wee 
march'd also, causing our baggage to pass the River before us 
through Peronne, which was the only Pass therabouts. When 
they were gott over, wee began to march through the Town with 
the whole Army; when wee saw the Enemy at such a distance 
from us, that there was no farther danger of their marching back 
to fall upon our Reer, before wee cou'd get on the other side of the 
River. And tho that Town be very long, and that there is one 
bridge only over the Somme; yet by that time it grew dark, Mr. de 
Turenne with the Van got as far as Golancourt, which is within a 
league wide of Ham. 'Tis true the Reer cam not up till the next 
morning, but however it had the same effect with the Enemy as if 
they had been there in a body, for their partys who saw us cross 
the River gave them an account of our being there ; So that as I 
observed, not only the march of Beaujeu, but also our diligence, 
hinder'd the Enemy from beseiging Guise: And, as I remember, 
Mr. de Turenne answered some about him, who were represent 
ing to him that it was impossible for half our Army to come up 
that night, considering the length of his intended march and the 
expedition he used in marching. That what they objected was 
very true; notwithstanding which if he could but reach his quar 
ter with the Van that night it would produce the Same effect, as if 
the whole Army were in presence; because that wee being cover'd 
by the Somme, their partys could give no other account of us, but 
by the fires which they observed; and seeing them in great num 
bers they would return with a false intelligence, that wee were ad 
vanced so far. And certainly not only in this particular, but gener 
ally in all others, never did any Generall take better measures in 
his marches, or guess'd more probably at the designs of the Enemy 
then he. 

The next morning when the troopes were all come up, and that 
he was advertis'd from Guise that the Spaniards were at a loss, 
having miss'd their purpose, wee thought it expedient to continue 
where wee were without advancing any farther, as being well 

140 



1653 UNSKILFULNESS OF CASTELNAU 

warn'd by our late Escape ; So that the Enemy coming to Caulin- 
court, wee remained at Golancourt to observe their motions. 

While wee lay in that quarter Mr. de Turenne having notice 
from his partys, the Enemys foragers were accustomed to pass the 
brook behind which they lay and come up towards Ham, having 
with them only a small Convoy, orderd Mr. de Castelnau to take a 
thousand horse, and to try his fortune on them, in case they came 
abroad to forage next day : In the evening the ten Squadrons were 
commanded out, and as soon as it was dark Mr. de Castelnau 
march'd with them to Ham; where having drawn them up, in 
stead of passing through the Town, as he ought to have done while 
the darknes continu'd, he stayd on the outside till break of day; 
then going through the Town himself, he sent out two partys, to 
see if those foragers were abroad, leaving still his body on the 
other side of Ham; and when at last his partys had brought him 
intelligence that the Enemys were at forage, he sent for all his 
horse to come over to him, which indeed they did, but by that 
time wee had traversed the length of the Town, and were begin 
ning to march towards the Enemy, wee saw they were almost all 
gone back into their Camp, having taken the alarm at the partys 
which were sent out to discover them, So that wee tooke not above 
twenty or thirty at most of all their men, tho wee detach'd some 
after them, who glean'd up to the number I haue mentioned. 

Thus what Mr. de Turenne had so well design'd, was wholy 
frustrated by the unskillfulness of him who commanded us : for 
tho he was perfectly stout, and was besides a good foot Officer, 
who understood very well how to carry on a breach, yet he was 
very ignorant in commanding horse, which he not only shew'd on 
this occasion, but by what he did afterwards ; so that many men 
were of opinion, that what he knew was rather gain'd from the ex 
perience of a long practice amongst the foot, then by any naturall 
talents beyond other men: But the whole management of this 
Action was only a chaine of the greatest faults in conduct; for 
after that which he had already committed, in stead of returning 
back immediatly into our Camp (which was his duty (when) he 
had fayl'd of his Enterprise) he march'd on directly towards that 
of the Enemy, over a bare plaine, till wee came within half a league 
of it, and there halted, staying there I am certain above an hour, 
which was the greatest madness imaginable; for by it wee were ex- 

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CAMPAIGNS OF THE DUKE OF YORK 1653 

pos'd 7 and that unavoidably, to be routed in case they had come 
upon us, as in reason they ought to haue done, and there was 
scarcely an Officer, or even privat Soldier there, who did not plain 
ly see it and apprehend the consequence; for the Enemy could see 
at least a league and a half behind us, the Country being very bare 
and open, and that wee had none to second us, and cou'd count 
our numbers to a man ; and alltho they were to pass the brook, 
behind which they lay, yet that was so just under the command of 
their whole Camp, that wee cou'd not haue hindered their coming 
to us. Having stood thus, as long a time as I have mention' d, look 
ing on the Enemy to no manner of purpose, he drew us off, and 
then left an ambuscade for the Enemy of about a hundred horse in 
a small Village, as wee march'd away, which was as foolish as all 
the rest; for the Enemy were too cautious to permitt any of their 
men to pass the brook afterwards. 

In the mean time Monsr. de Turenne being concerned for us, 
because wee had Stayd out so long, and fearing wee might be 
prest in coming off, came himself from the Camp with four or five 
Squadrons of horse, and three or four hundred foot, passing over 
the River through the Town and advancing a litle way from 
thence; placing his men So, that they might make a retreat for us, 
in case wee had been pushed or forced to a hasty retreat. He had 
not long been there when to his great comfort he saw us coming 
back, and not in that manner which he apprehended. 

After this wee continued in the same quarters till the first of 
September, and then the Enemie first decamping from Caulin- 
court, began their march towards Rocroy in order to beseige it. 
Into which place it was impossible for us to cast any man, the wee 
knew the garrison was weak, and that wee had notice of the 
Enemies march that way. For the Enemy when they went from 
Caulincourt, immediatly sent off a considerable body of horse to 
invest it, and to hinder any succours from being put into it ; and 
the Situation of the Town is such, that standing in a litle plain en- 
viron'd with woods, whoever is first posted there can easily forbid 
any passage to it. Therfore tho wee endeavoured to reinforce that 
place, wee were never able to effect it. 

So soon as wee had information of their march that way, wee 
began ours, and passing the Oyse by la Fere continued in our 
march straight to Mousson, Leaving Laon on our right hand, and 
142 



1653 THE SIEGE OF MOUSSON 

quartered at Espe; from thence to Conde sur Aysne, which is not 
far from Chateau-Porcien, and so to la Chesne, and to Remilly 
which is within a league or two of Mousson: And the next day 
being the roth of September wee passed the River below that 
place, and took up our severall quarters, Mr. de Turenne below 
the Town and Mr. de la Ferte above it. Mr. de Turenne's horse 
were upon one Line stretching from the neighbourhood of the 
River to the top of the hill, somewhat more then canon short from 
the Town; As for himself, he with his foot and Gendarmes, 
camp'd in a litle Valley about half canon short from the place; and 
finding yet another valley, which was narrower, and somewhat 
nearer the Town, he there quarter'd the Regiment of York, and 
that of Guyenne: and the same night, without farther delay, fell to 
opening the Trenches from the place where these two Regiments 
were quarter'd. At this time also Monsieur de la Ferte began his 
approches, but quarter'd not so near, himself or his Soldiers, as 
wee had done. But before I proceed further, it will be necessary 
for me to give a short description of the place. 

Mousson stands upon the Meuse, about midway betwixt 
Stenay and Sedan; over the River it has a bridge which was 
cover'd by a hornwork: The Town is fortifyd with a good old 
wall, well flanck'd with round towers, some of which especially 
one towards the hill was very large; it had also a very good dry 
ditch with a strong pallisade in the midst of it and in most parts of 
it. The out parts of the ditch are faced with stone, which is no 
small strengthning to a place; and because that side of the Town 
which is farthest from the River is somewhat commanded by a hill 
at the foot of which it stands, they had made an Envelope of an 
half bastion, and three or four whole bastions to cover it: And on 
both sides down to the River, severall half moons with other out 
works. As for the garrison of Mousson, it consisted as near as I 
can guess in fifteen hundred foot and betwixt two and three hun 
dred horse; the Governour was call'd Wolfe, an old German Col- 
lonell. That which occasioned this garrison to be made So strong, 
was, that the Enemy when they designed to beseige Rocroy, had 
sent away the Count de Briol with a body of men, with which he 
was order *d to secure this place, Stenay, Clermont, and St Mene- 
hou; not doubting but wee should sit down before one of them, so 
soon as they began with Rocroy. Briol upon our marching that 

H3 



CAMPAIGNS OF THE DUKE OF YORK 1653 

way. Satisfied himself with putting into Mousson so many men as 
made up the number I have mention'd, keeping the rest in re 
serve, to provide for the other places, which belong'd to the Prince 
of Conde whose officer he was. 

Having given this account of the place and the strength within 
it, I proceed to the Relation of the Seige. The first night of our 
being before the Town, as I sayd, wee began our approches, and 
carryd them on a considerable way: Wee also rais'd a battery of 
five or six guns, which was performed with litle loss by the Regi 
ment of Picardy the first of the old Regiments, it being the cus- 
tome of the French Army that the first Regiment has allways the 
honour to break ground first in all Seiges, how many soever are 
made in the Campagne. The next night the Regiments of La 
Feuillade and Guyenne had the guard of the Trenches, and made 
a very good advance without any considerable loss. At the same 
time a Regiment of foot, which was quartered in some houses near 
the bridge, had orders to storme the horn-work before it, which 
they performed and carryd it with litle or no loss, the Enemy not 
thinking convenient to dispute it, but drawing off into the Town 
as our men advanced. The third night the Regiment of Turenne 
took their turn, and carryd on the Trench so near, that the next 
night the Regiments of York and Palleau brought it to the very 
edge of the ditch belonging to the outworks ; and the same night 
fasten'd a Miner in the face of the half bastion of the Envelope I 
have already mentioned, having broken the pallisades which were 
in the ditch, to make his passage thither* He continued working 
till the afternoon; about the beginning of which he call'd out to 
our Soldiers which were in the head of the Trench, That he wanted 
drink and candles, and till he were supplyd with them he must 
cease from working: Upon which a Sergeant of York was ordered 
to carry him what he wanted, and that his passage might be more 
secure, all the men in the Trench were commanded to stand to 
their Armes, and those who were at the head of it, to give a Voly, 
when the Sergeant was ready to take his run to the Miner; and 
they and the rest to continue firing till they were sure he was in 
safety: This was accordingly perform'd, and he pass'd through 
the ditch to the Miner without having one shott made at him. 

That night the Regiment of Picardy had again the guard of 
the Trenches; and the next day as I was going to the head of the 
144 



1653 THE SIEGE OF MOUSSON 

approches, accompanyd by Monsr. d'Humieres, Monsr. de 
Crequi 3 and somme others^ while wee stayd a little time in the first 
battery a great shott came from the Town, which pass'd through 
three barrells of powder 3 without firing them, which had it done, 
all who were in the battery had inevitably been blown up : But the 
danger came so suddainly and was so soon over, that none of us 
had time to be concerned for it. 

The next day came up a battallion of the Regiment of Guardes, 
consisting of above six hundred men in ten Companies, and com 
manded by Monsr. de Vautourneu ; and according to their privi 
lege had the guard of the Trenches the same night, relieving the 
Regiment of Picardy: And when Monsr. de Castelnau, the only 
Lieut Generall then in the Army, came according to his usuall 
custom into the Trenches, to command there, they absolutely re- 
fus'd obedience to him, pretending they were not to obey any man 
but the Generall himself: of which Monsr. de Turenne being in 
form 5 d, he went thether to accommodate the business, but finding 
Vautourneu very obstinat and positiue in that point, he desired Mr. 
de Castelnau to retire into his tent, and repose himself that night, 
because he had taken so much paines and so litle rest the night 
before; adding. That he himself would do his office for him, and 
watch in the Trenches: Castelnau obeyd and went away, and 
Monsr. de Turenne did, as he had Sayd, there being indeed a 
necessity incumbent on him So to do, for any farther dispute in 
that matter which he was also unwilling to decide : But he imme- 
diatly dispatched a Messenger to Court, to informe them of it, 
who sent a positiue order to the Guardes, That they should obey 
the Lieut Generall. This command came back before it was their 
turn to mount the Trenches the second time, after which the dis 
pute was no more revived. But yet it prov'd of advantage to the 
seruice, for the Guardes thought themselves obliged in honour to 

a Frangois, chevalier de Crequy (1625-1687) was a younger brother of Charles, 
due de Crequy. He had already fought in the Thirty Years War. He appears to have 
been conceited and perhaps rather selfish. Bussy-Rabutin, who was jealous of him 
and not without reason-criticises his behaviour at the battle of the Dunes. His pro 
motion as a Marshal of France in 1668 is said to have turned his head, so much so 
that he refused to serve under Turenne. This led to a temporary disgrace. He had 
however become an excellent strategist and the only French general whose abilities 
could compare with Schomberg's. In 1679 he marched into Germany, defeated the 
Elector of Brandenburg at Minden and compelled him to sign a peace treaty. 



CAMPAIGNS OF THE DUKE OF YORK 1653 

make a very great advance that night; which they perform'd, 
being both encouraged by the presence of the Generall and by the 
prudence of his directions ; for they did not only make a blind all 
along the bottom of the ditch of the Envelope, by the help of the 
pallisado's which were in it, which went directly upon the great 
Tower, but also made a lodgement along from the place where the 
ditch of the Envelope joyn'd with that of the Town to a half moon, 
which was on their right hand and which also was abandon'd by 
the Enemy, from whence wee designed to get down into the Town 
ditch and there to lodge our Miner. 

Thus far wee had advanced very speedily, but when wee came 
to make our descent into the ditch of the Town, wee found more 
difficulty then wee expected; for the next night endeavouring to 
continue at the same rate wee had begun, by making a lodgement 
against the pallisado's which were in the midst of the ditch, th5 
wee carryd on that work with great vigour, yet when it was almost 
perfected, the Enemy beat our men out of it, by throwing down 
great store of hand granades, fireworkes, and fire it self, so that 
it was impossible to continue longer there, and make good our 
undertaking; yet (we) were not discouraged by the unsuccessful- 
ness of this first attempt, but for two nights following very ob- 
stinatly pursued the design of lodging ourselves, but all to no pur 
pose: for tho wee finished our work, yet the Enemy burnt us out, 
by throwing down upon us such vast quantities of fireworks, and 
combustible matter, that they ruin'd our work. 

This made us cast about to go on some other way with more 
security; and therefore the next day, wee endeavour 'd to make our 
descent into the ditch, by cutting a trench from the top of it, 
where wee lodged, and so sloping along the side : but wee also 
faiTd of effecting this; for, besides that the Enemy had a low 
flanck, in which was only one small piece of ordnance, which lay 
so much under our battery that wee could not bear upon it, or dis 
mount it, and that when wee descended into the ditch, it playd 
levell on us, wee also found (when wee had got down halfway) the 
wall I formerly mention'd, which of itself would haue stopt us; 
tho the great gun had not gaulPd us from the flancker. So soon as 
it was day that single peice destroyd all the blinds wee had been 
making; After which wee were constrained to haue recours to the 
old method of sinking a well, out of the lodgement wee had in the 
146 



1653 THE SIEGE OF MOUSSON 

ditch of the half moon, and so that way to go in to the bottom of 
the ditch: Wee fell in hand with it as "fast as possibly wee cou'd, 
and also endeavoured to fasten our Miner to the Town-wall by the 
means of Madriers, which are planckes nine inches thick at 
least, cover'd with tinn or raw hides, or both, the better to resiste 
the force of fire; Those they carryd, and set up against the wall 
under which the Miner fell to work; having barrells fill'd with 
earth on each side of him for his security from the small shott of 
the flancker, as the Madriers were to preserve him from the hand 
granado's, stones, and fire, which they threw incessantly upon him 
with great violence, tho without effect: So that they were con 
vinced that unless they cou'd invent some other means of dislodg 
ing him, he would soon haue gott so far into the Wall, that there 
would be no farther hope for them; finding also that tho it was a 
dry ditch, wee had made so great lodgements all along the edge of 
it, that they could do nothing by a sally, they invented another 
way that was more secure, which was by hanging a bomb or great 
granado down by a chaine and closs to the side of the Madriers, 
which firing blew them all away, and then they threw over so 
much combustible matter, as burnt the Miner in his hole. The 
Miner at the other attacke had no better success, for Monsr. de la 
Ferte having the same desire to make a quick dispatch fastened a 
Miner to the body of the place before he had made a lodgment 
under the Wall, so that the Enemy having found him, immedi- 
atly smother 'd him with smoke, he being already so far enter 'd 
that the fire cou'd not reach him, but as I sayd, the smoke stiffled 
him. 

During the time of this whole Seige, wee were much troubled 
and hindered by perpetuall raines and stormes so violent, that they 
very often blew away our blinds, and wash'd down some part of 
our Trenches which for the most part were fill'd with water, the 
Sky being seldom clear for above three hours togather: and that 
which makes me remember this the more particularly, was, that 
one morning very early, going down with some others to the ap- 
proches, when wee came into the ditch of the Envelope, which 
went straight upon the great Tower, and was our only way to the 
lodgement, where wee were working att the well I have already 
mentioned, wee kept closs to the pallissado, where the blind should 
have been, and tho nothing but the very beginning of it was left 

147 



CAMPAIGNS OF THE DUKE OF YORK 1653 

standing, all the rest being blown down, yet all of us were so busily 
imployd in piking out our way (the ditch being full of dirt and 
water) that not one single man tooke notice that the blind was 
ruin'd, and consequently wee (were) in open view, till wee were 
gotten half our way, and then, one of the company who observ'd it 
first, propos'd that wee should return ; to which I well remember I 
would not consent, urging, That since wee were now so far on 
ward, the danger was equall in going forward or in returning: so 
wee continu'd going on to the head of the attacke as wee first 
intended; but in all the way while wee were thus exposed, there 
was not one shott made at us, at which wee wonder'd; but after 
wards when the Town was surrender'd, the Governour inform'd 
us of the reason. That he himself happening to be upon the wall at 
that very time, and knowing me by my Starr, had forbid his men 
to fire upon the Company, which is a respect very usuall beyond 
Sea. But he had not the same consideration for those afterwards, 
who were commanded to repair the blind; for I hauing given no 
tice to the Officer who was in the Trenches, of its condition, he 
gave order to haue it mended, and severall of those who were em- 
ployd in that work were slayn, and others hurt. 

About the same time, when wee began to sink our Well in the 
ditch of the half moon, wee also lodged a Miner at the foot of the 
great Tower, under shelter of the Madriers, who had better for 
tune then the former, and work'd into the wall; when he was gott 
within as far as he design'd, but not yet begun to make his cham 
bers, he sent out word to Mr. de Turenne, that he heard the 
Enemy at work in a Countermine, and that as near as he could 
guess, they would be upon him in some few hours, long before he 
could finish his undertaking; Upon which, he gave immediat 
orders to put some barrells of powder in the hole he had already 
made, and then to stop it as firmly as they could, intending by this 
only to ruine the Enemies Countermine and Miners, well know 
ing it could not bring down the Tower : his orders were speedily 
put in execution, and because the powder must needs blow back 
wards, he withdrew his men from such parts of the approches as 
were neighbouring to it, or in danger of any hurt from it, and him 
self and severall others went and stood in the first battery, which 
was distant from the Tower about half muskett Shott; under this 
shelter he expected the effect : when fire was given, it produced all 

148 



!6 53 THE SIEGE OF MOUSSON 

that wee designed, for it only enlarged the hole which our Miner 
had made, and as wee learn'd afterwards kill'd those of the Enemy, 
throwing to a far distance severall great stones with as much vio 
lence as if they had been shott out of a canon, some of which hitt 
the battery behind which wee stood, and others wee saw fly much 
farther, So soon as the blow was over, Monsr. de Turenne, having 
seen what it perform'd, sent back the Miner into the hole, which 
was now widen'd, and sent along with him a Sergeant, and six 
men to guard him who might easily be lodged in it, with all 
Security from the Shott of the Enemy. 

This which concerned the firing of the Mine pass'd all in the 
day time; when it was night wee thought it convenient to open the 
Well which wee had sunk, and which was now as low as the bot 
tom of the Town ditch, for it would haue taken a longer time, 
then wee cou'd spare, to go all the way under ground as far as to 
the wall, and being already sunck so low were secured both from 
great and small shott, and had nothing farther to apprehende in 
our opinions but hand granado's, fire works, and fire it self: But 
wee had no sooner open'd it, then the Enemy discovering it, by 
the light of the fires which they had made, roull'd from off the 
walls a Bomb, or Mortar-Granado, by the means of two strong 
pieces of timber fasten'd together; the Bomb lighted full into the 
mouth of the Well, and kill'd four or five of our men who were 
working within it, and withall, so terribly shook the lodgment just 
above it, where Mr. de Turenne, myself, some Officers, and many 
volonteers were then standing, that wee all beleev'd at that mo 
ment it would haue been shatter'd to peices: yet it stood; but it 
was above a quarter of an hour before any could go down to work 
again by reason of the smoke and dust; And then, tho the Enemy 
continually plyd that place with hand-granado's, fire, and^ fire 
works, and now and then a Bomb (none of which last happened to 
be So justly directed as the first) yet wee carryd on our Trench as 
far as the palisado's which were in the midst of the ditch; but by 
reason of that storme of fire works which the Enemy without ceas 
ing powr'd upon us, wee were obliged to cover it again with 
planks, fascines and earth upon them, for the security of our men. 
When wee were advanced as far as the palisado's, wee were 
forced again to drive under ground, the Enemy still heaving over 
vast quantities of wood and combustible matter, and wee being 

149 



CAMPAIGNS OF THE DUKE OF YORK 1653 

then so very near the wall, that it was impossible to go forward any 
other way. 

Advancing in this manner wee fastened our Miner at length to 
the body of the place; wee lost that night a considerable number of 
our men. La Feuillade had his head broken with a hand-granado, 
Mr. d'Humieres had likewise a blow on the side of his, with a 
small shott, which first came through the lodgment, and then 
after glancing from his head, pass'd through the leg of a pioneer, 
and lastly strook the toe of my boot, without doing me any harm. 
Mr. de Turenne continu'd on the place all night, with out whose 
presence I am confident the work had not been done. 

At the same time Mr. de la Ferte was so far advanced in his 
attacke, that his Mine was ready to spring next day, it was accord 
ingly sprung after dinner: M. de Turenne with severall of his 
Officers and Volonteers went to see what effect it would produce, 
but went not down into those Trenches, his coming being only 
out of curiosity. The Mine was made in the angle of a Tower and 
the wall, and was so order'd as to blow up not only the Angle, but 
also that part of the Tower and Wall which was nearest to it: 
when it was fired and the smoke gone off, wee saw it had only done 
its intended work upon the Wall, and very angle, but that the 
Tower was yet standing; only there was a great crack quite 
through it: but immediatly after the firing of the six guns upon 
the edge of the ditch, all togather, that part of the Tower came 
also down to our great satisfaction. 

I have been told by some who were then in the battery with 
Monsr. de la Fert<, when this happened, that when he perceiv'd 
that part of the Tower next the Angle came not down with the 
other, he was in great rage against the Cheualier de Clerville, an 
Engeneer, who had the care of carryng on the Mine, threatning 
him furiously for his negligence and ignorance : At which the poor 
man much frightened, and fearing som severe usage from the Mare- 
shall, but withall observing that the part which was yet standing 
shook, desir'd that the six guns which were in the battery might 
all be levell'd at that part of the Tower and fir'd at it all togather, 
which he said would probably bring it down : This being immedi 
atly done had its desired effect, and he escap'd a cudgelling. 4 

4 This paragraph, is paraphrased in the French MS. (p. 1 1 i), and the order of the 
sentences somewhat altered, and not improved. 

150 



1653 METHODS OF CARRYING ON A SIEGE 

The breach that was made by it was very faire, so that our men 
the same night made a lodgment on it, which being performed 
and our two Mines on the other side of the Town in readiness to 
spring, the Governour thought it now high time to begin a Treaty 
for the surrendring up of the place; and the next morning beat a 
parlee, at the same time sending out Officers to treat. The articles 
were soon adjusted, which were that he should march out next 
day with armes and baggage, and be conveyd as far as Montmedy 
a neighbouring garrison of the Spaniards. 

Thus, wee master' d the Town of Mousson in the space of 
seventeen days from the opening of the Trenches 3 without the loss 
of many men, or of any considerable Officer, or Volonteer of 
quality, excepting the Vidame de Laon, a nephew of Monsr. de 
Turenne, and second Son to the Count de Roussy, who was shott 
dead in the Trenches, as one evening he was going down to the 
head of them betwixt Mr. d'Humieres, and Mr. de Schomberg. 
The greatest loss wee had was in our horses, of which very many 
dyd by reason of the ill weather and clay ground on which they 
were camp'd. 

But here I think it will not be amiss if I make a short digression 
to give account of some of their methods in France for the carry 
ing on a Seige, 5 and of the extraordinary care and pains which the 
Generall Officers usually take on such occasions, to which I 
cheifly attribute their speedy taking in of Townes : They trust to 
no body but themselves to view, and make their observations; Mr. 
de Turenne went in person to view all the ground about Mousson, 
taking with him Mr. de Castelnau, when, as in another Army, I 
have seen the Generalls trust a Sergent de bataille or some in 
ferior Officer to do it, so that they were wholy guided, and in a 
manner govern'd by their (the) eyes and advice of other men : but 
Monsr. de Turenne made use of his own judgment, where he 
thought it most proper to break ground, and which way to run the 
Trenches; when night came, he himself was present at the open 
ing of them, and continued there allmost till break of day : Besides 
it was his constant method, during this whole Seige to go into the 
Trenches both morning and evening, In the morning to see if the 
work was well perform'd, at evening to resolve what would be the 

5 The observations that follow are made more rapidly, and with less of preamble, 
in the French MS. (p. 1 1 2). 

'5* 



CAMPAIGNS OF THE DUKE OF YORK 1653 

work that night, having in his company the Lieut Genl : and some 
of the cheif Officers who that night were to command in the 
Trenches, to instruct them himself what he expected to be done. 
Again after supper he went to see them begin their work, and 
would continue with them more or less, as he found it necessary 
for the carrying on of the present design. 

While he was once in the Trenches, during this Seige, I remem 
ber an odd accident, which happen'd when I was present and 
which I will relate, tho besides my present purpose : A Captain of 
the Regiment of Guyenne, being newly come to the Army, and 
that Regiment being then on duty on the Trenches, he approch'd 
Monsr. de Turenne to salute him; It happen'd, that, at the same 
time he was bowing down his head, a small shott from the Town 
struck him in the skull, and layd him dead at the Generall's feet: 
at which unhappy chance, some who were present made this un 
seasonable raillery. That if the Captain had been better bred, he 
had escaped the bullett, which only hitt him there, for not bowing 
low enough to his Generall. 

But to proceed : the Commander in cheif, is not only thus dili 
gent, but all the inferiour Officers are obliged to be as carefull in 
their severall stations : particularly in all the time of this present 
Seige, in our side of the attack wee had not so much as one single 
Ingeneer, nor did I ever observe them to be made use of at any 
other place, but only as overseers of the work, most of the Officers 
understanding very well how to carry on a Trench, and to make a 
lodgement* As for the Mines, they haue a Captain of Miners who 
has a care of carrying them on, when the Generall has resolved 
where they shall be. 

And not only from my own observations, but by what I have 
learn'd from others who haue had more experience and seen more 
seruice then myself, I find and am settled in my opinion, That no 
Generall ought wholly to confide in any Ingeneer for the carrying 
on of a Trench, it being not reasonable to beleeve, that one who is 
to be allways there, will hazard or expose himself as far as Officers, 
who are to take their turns, and who are push'd on by emulation 
of each other to make dispatch, and carry on the seruice with all 
diligence: And besides it gives more opportunity to Officers to 
understand that work, then otherwise they would haue; which 
appears most plainly by the Army of the Hollanders, for there, 
152 



1653 THE SURRENDER OF MOUSSON 

where all was resolv'd on by their Generall 6 upon consultation 
with the Ingeneers and the overseers, few Officers ever arrived at 
any knowledge in carrying on the Trenches, their imployment 
being only to guard them, and the workmen, and command their 
Soldiers to fire ? they not being answerable for the advancing of the 
work: so that unless an Officer were naturaly industrious to learn 
and applyd himself to it, he received but small improvement. But 
what I have said concerning the carrying on of their approches in 
Holland, I confess I have not spoken of my own knowledge, but 
only from hear-say of persons, whose judgment and integrity I 
suppose I may reasonably trust: yet this I can affirm, that I have 
known very few of whatsoever Nation who were much the better 
for what they had learn'd in that Country; th5 1 haue known many 
good Officers who haue serv'd there, yet they gain'd their experi 
ence els where. 

At this Seige was made no line of Circumvallation ; for besides 
that wee were affraid in case wee had gone about it, so much time 
would haue been taken up, that the Enemy would haue compass'd 
their business, and gain'd Rocroy, before wee could haue taken 
Mousson (and then our Lines would haue signified litle to us) the 
Situation of the place was such by reason of the River Chiers, 
which cover'd us on the Luxembourg side, and then runs into the 
Meuse betwixt us and Sedan, that it was in stead of a line to us to 
hinder smaller succours from being put into the Town ; wee having 
small advanced guards upon all the passes of that River, so that 
nothing could come that way without being discovered, and that 
time enough to be prevented. On the other side the Enemy was so 
thorowly imployd at their Seige of Rocroy, that they could not 
think of endeavouring to releeve Mousson. 

On the same day when the Town was surrendered, which was 
the 27th of September, wee march'd to Amblemont in our way 
towards Rocroy with intention to try what could be done in order 
to the releif of it ; but when wee were come as far as Varnicour, wee 
heard of its being delivered up. 

After these two Seiges, there happen'd litle of Action betwixt 
either Armys during the remainder of the Campagne; for besides 

6 In the French MS. (p. 113) James ascribes this habit to le feu Prince d'Orange', 
and what Mows (eight or nine lines) is a very brief summary of what he says in the 
Life. 



CAMPAIGNS OF THE DUKE OF YORK 1653 

that the Season of the year was too far spent to undertake any con 
siderable Seige, the Spanish Army had suffered much more at 
Rocroy, then wee at Mousson, and their numbers were so dimi- 
nish'd, that out of that consideration, and our keeping so closs to 
them, therby to prevent our frustating any new undertaking, they 
durst attempt no more that year; but imployd their time in 
marches and countermarches, on the other side of the Somme, 
eating up all the forage of the fronteers, as wee did on this side of 
the same River in observing all their motions. 

But while wee thus continued to hold them in play on that Side 
of the Country, the Court having got together some troopes, be 
sides the guards of horse and foot, which are constantly attending 
on it, and some which were detach'd to them from the Army, un 
dertook the Seige of St Menehou, which at first was carryd on by 
three Lieutt Genlls; Monsr. de Navaille commanding the troopes 
belonging to the Court, Mr. de Castelnau those which were sent 
from Monsr. de Turenne, and Monsr. d'Vxelles such as had been 
spar'd out of Monsr. de la Ferte's troopes. And tho two of these 
three above nam'd were as able Officers for all Sorts of Duty as 
any others in the Kingdom of France, and tho Mr. de Castelnau 
tho not so proper for feil Seruice understood the business of a 
Seige as well as any man, yet these three being all in equall com 
mand, manag'd the main affaire so ill, and went so slowly on with 
it, that the Cardinal was forced to send the Mareshall de Plessis- 
Praslin to take the supreme command upon him, after which the 
Seige advanced with more Success. 

Some days after the begining of this Seige, M. de la Ferte with 
the greatest part of his horse came and quartered about * * * 7 to 
hinder any releif from coming into the place, because the Duke of 
Lorraine was marching down that way with his Army. In the 
mean time M. de Turenne was quartered with his forces behind 
the Somme betwixt Roye and Corbie; from which place seeing 
litle probability of action there, I ask'd leave of Mr. de Turenne 
to go to the Seige of St Menehou; and being obliged to take 
Chalons sur Marne in my way thither, at which place the Court 
then resided, I was stayd so long on one pretence or other in that 

7 There is a blank here in the Life (I, 190). The MS. Campagnes avoids the diffi 
culty by merely saying that La Ferte marched to prevent the Due de Lorraine from 
bringing help to Sainte-M^n6hould (p. 115). 

154 



1653 THE SURRENDER OF SAINTE-MfiN&HOULD 

Town, some times for want of Convoy, another while, upon the 
news of the King's removal within a day or two, so that they could 
not spare any; that notwithstanding my continuall pressing to be 
gone, the Town of St Menehou sent out to treat of a surrender the 
same day I waited on the King of France to the Castle of Ham, 
which is within two leagues of St Menehou: so that I miss'd the 
seeing of that Seige, and went the next day with his Maty to view 
the approches, and the breach which had been made in the body 
of the place, before they came to Articles of Capitulation. 8 



8 ... 'avant qu'elle [la pkce] battit la Chamade' (MS. Campagncs, p. 115) -a 
more picturesque expression for 'to sound a parley'. The Life (I, 191) has an addi 
tional paragraph as follows: 

'Thus ends the Relation given of this Campagne by his Royall Highness, who upon 
the removall of the French Court, return'd likewise to Paris where he arrived the 
beginning of Xber, and there spent the ensuing winter: towards the end of which, the 
King his Brother took his resolution of leaving France by reason of the Treaty of 
Amity then of foot between that Crown and Oliver Cromwell newly made Pro 
tector; For Cardinal Mazarin thought it at that time necessary for the preservation of 
the French Monarchy, to keep fair with that Vsurper. The Duke attended his 
Brother on his way towards Germany as fir as Chantilly, where they took leave of 
each other, in hopes of a more happy meeting thereafter.' 

155 



BOOK II 

Of The Wars In Flanders 



THE DUKE OF YORK'S 
THIRD CAMPAIGN IN FRANCE 

THIS Year the French Army under the Command of Monsr. 
de Turenne, and the Mareshall de la Ferte, was not as 
sembled soon enough to prevent the Spaniards from beseiging 
Arras, On the third of July they satt down before it, with an Army 
consisting of thirty thousand men well furnish'd with all things 
necessary for so great an Enterprise. One thing which induced 
them to undertake that Seige, was their being advertis'd of the 
weaknes of the Garrison, which was not So strong as it ought to 
haue been, tho not so weak as to oblige the Governour to quit any 
of his outworkes which were very great. Our Generalls being sen 
sible of this defect, sent away about a thousand horse in three 
bodies, one commanded by the Chevalier of Crequi, another by 
Monsr. de St Lieu, and the third by the Baron of Equan court. St 
Lieu got into the Town with about two hundred horse, the first 
or second night after the Town was invested, through the Prince 
Conde's quarter; The Baron d'Equan court two nights after him 
with three hundred horse through the Lorraine's quarter, and the 
Chevalier de Crequi forced his passage into the Town some days 

* 'Of the Campagne here ensuing Ms Royall Highness gives the following account 
in his Memoires 5 (Life) ed. Clarke, I, 192). I here reprint the tezt of the Clarke 
edition (pp. 192-243) for the same reason as applied to the entry for 1653. See 
above, p. 128. 

The entry in the French MS. (p. 116) is headed: 
Memoires du due d'York 
Liv. II 

des Guerres en Fkndres 
An 1654. 

156 



1654 THE SIEGE OF ARRAS 

after both, through the Spanish quarter before the Line was 
finished. This was all the succour could be spar'd from the French 
Army. As for foot, wee durst not venture to send any, it being so 
plaine a Country about the Town, that they might haue been 
easily discovered and defeated when once the Enemy had taken up 
their quarters before the Place. 

Another reason why they lay down before Arras was, that wee 
had beseiged Stenay ; which place they hop'd would haue endur'd 
so long, and taken up so many Troopes, that they might have 
compassed their design before wee could haue ended our Seige, or 
at least as soon ; and that, during this, our Army would not be of 
strength enough to undertake any thing upon them which indeed 
was not ill conjectur'd : for wee were (so) very weak that wee stirr'd 
not from about Peronne to approche their Lines till about the 1 6th 
of July, when wee heard they were near finish'd, for fear of ingag- 
ing ourselves so near a great Army, in a Country so bare and 
open, 

I joyn'd the Army by Peronne before they march'd, being to 
Serve that year in quality of one of the Lieutenant Generalls, under 
Monsr. de Turenne, and tooke my day according to the date of 
my Commission as the youngest who serv'd in that Army. About 
the 1 6th, as I have sayd, wee began our march towards Arras, and 
camp'd at a Village call'd Sains, near Sauchy-Cauchy which lys 
betwixt Cambray and Arras about five leagues distant from the 
last of these places ; The next day wee continued our march to 
Mouchy-le-Preux, 1 Mr. de Turenne taking that compass about 
the Country to cover himself by some brookes, that in case the 
Enemy should draw out upon him, he might be able to avoide 
fighting, And he was so cautious the day before he came to 
Mouchy-le-Preux, that when he arrived at a brooke which was 
half a league short of the foremention'd place, he there drew up 
his Army in battell, and afterwards passed over himself with some 
horse and dragoons to view the ground where he intended to in- 
campe, and gave not orders for the Army to come over to him till 
the evening, but stayd upon the place to see if the Enemy had any 
intentions of drawing out against him ; resolving that in case they 
should that day haue attempted any thing, our Army should not 

1 f Mouchy-le-Preux' is the spelling in the Clarke edition, here reproduced. It 
should be Monchy-le-Preux. 



CAMPAIGNS OF THE DUKE OF YORK 1654 

haue gone over: When evening came, and the Enemy appeared 
not, wee passed the brooke, but it was then so late that nothing 
could be attempted by them in all lykelyhood for that night. 

Our Troopes no sooner were camp'd, but they fell to work 
about our Line, every Regiment both of horse and foot labouring 
at it on that part which lay before them; and this they perform'd 
with So much diligence, that next day they were in some toller- 
able posture of defence; but when once it was finished wee 
thought ourselves absolutely secure, it being a very advantageous 
post, and not of too great a front, for the Army wee had then ; The 
brooke which I have already mention'd covering our left wing, as 
the Scarpe did our right: so that if the Enemy had drawn out to 
engage us there, when we first put ourselves in battell in that post 
of Mouchy-le-Preux, or before our Lines were finished, wee should 
haue had faire play for it, notwithstanding they were so much 
stronger, because they could not outfront us nor fall into our 
flankes ; And wee had so good an opinion of our own courage, as 
never to be unwilling to venture an Engagement with them where 
they could not outwing us. 

I have heard since when I was in Flanders and elswhere, many 
taxing the Spaniards for not coming out against us the first day of 
our being in that post, or as wee came to possess ourselves thereof; 
and some report that the Prince of Conde proposed it to the 
Spaniards: But I can not affirme this, neither will I take it upon 
myself to censure them for not doing it, because I have not heard 
their reasons for this omission, though they may be easily con- 
jectur'd. But whither they had it under their consideration or not, 
wee took our precautions in coming thither, as if wee believ'd 
they would make some attempt on us; and, being once posted, 
wee lost no time to intrench ourselves : for certainly that post of 
Mouchy was very strong, because that not only both our flancks 
were cover'd, as I have alread said, but also our Line ran along 
upon a heigth from Mouchy which was in the midst, and both 
overlooked and commanded on either side down to the brooke and 
River of Scarpe; So that had the Enemy advanced upon us in the 
day time, our canon, which for the most part were planted on that 
height of Mouchy, would haue gall'd them terribly, after which 
wee had still the advantage of the ground. 

Monsieur de Turenne's own quarter was at this place of 
158 



1654 THE SIEGE OF ARRAS 

Mouchy, having with him the greatest number of his foot, his 
horse were incamp'd on two Lines, which reached to the brooke, 
together with the rest of his foot; Monsr. de la Ferte had his quar 
ter at the right hand of all our Line down by the side of the River 
Scarpe, at a Village called Peule. One part of his foot were in- 
camped by him, the other part at Mouchy, and his horse also upon 
two Lines betwixt Mouchy and his quarter : Our reserue was in 
its proper place just behind Mr. de Turenne's quarter, which was 
in the midst. Thus our Incampment was in order of battell, only 
wee had some foot at each extremity of our Lines, and in the midst 
of our wings of horse, that our Line might be the better defended. 
When wee were thus posted, and our Line finished, wee sent 
out considerable partys of horse, almost every night, to hinder any 
Convoys from coming into the Enemie's Camp; and notwith 
standing that they sate down before Arras as well appointed with 
all things necessary, as was usuall for Armys at that time, yet so 
great a body of men as they were within their Lines was of neces 
sity to haue some communication with their own Country; and 
whether it was, that they were really in want of powder, or that it 
was only out of precaution, from almost the first days of our being 
in their neighbourhood, they sent out partys of horse to supply 
them with it, which went to Douay, Cambray, and other places of 
theirs, and some of their Garrisons sent to them, each trooper 
carrying a bag of fifty pound weight of powder behind his horse: 
These partys they kept continually going, scarsely intermitting 
any night, and tho wee had partys very often abroad to intercept 
them, it was never our fortune to surprise any of them, the Coun 
try being so very open, that unless by accident they should fall 
into the midst of our partys, they could not be intercepted : Yet 
wee seldom sent out less then a thousand or twelve hundred horse 
under the command of some Lieutenant Generall, who march' d 
out of the Camp in the evening. They who were sent abroad out 
(of) Monsr. de Turenne's Army, posting themselves betwixt the 
Camp and Bapaume in some Valley or other place where they 
could not be easily discovered, till they came out against the 
Enemy, having small outguards round about them to give notice 
of any thing that passed and, besides them, Gentry's every way 
that they might not be surpriz'd; and Mr. de la Ferte did the like 
on his Side, his party's advancing betwixt the Camp and Lens. 

159 



CAMPAIGNS OF THE DUKE OF YORK 1654 

But though neither ours, nor his could meet with any of these 
powder-carriers, yet by an accident hapening amongst themselves, 
one of their Convoyes chanced to miscarry; For one night as wee 
"were with Mr. de Turenne, visiting the guards, wee perceived a 
great blaze of fire, quick and violent like that of the blowing up of 
gunpowder; and it seem'd to us, as if it had been at the quarter of 
Monsr. de la Ferte : But as (we) went down that way to inquire of 
it, our Sentinels who were upon the heigth of Mouchy, inform'd 
us, that they had likewise seen it, and that it was not where wee 
had imagined, but on the plaine farr beyond those quarters to 
wards Lens, which caus'd us to wonder the more what it might be. 
The next morning wee were fully Satisfied concerning it, that an 
entire Regiment of horse, consisting of Six score, going from 
Douay to the Enemie's Camp, all of them Officers as well as 
Souldiers having behind them a bagg of powder, besides about 
fourscore horses laden with hand grenades, which were led by 
Countrymen on foot, had been all blown up, but by what accident, 
none of those who were brought prisoners into the Camp could 
tell. Indeed it was a very dismall object, to behold a great number 
of poor men, who were brought into our Camp with their faces 
disfigur'd and their bodies burnt by powder, so that few of them 
recover 7 d> their Companions having been all kill'd outright. 
These prisoners were brought in by some of our partys who were 
out on that side of the Country, who seeing the flash at a great dis 
tance, rode up to the place to gaine a more clear knowledge of the 
matter; they also brought along with them some few scorch'd 
horses, and a paire of kittle drums which belong' d to that Regi 
ment, and all the men who had any life remaining in them. I 
happen 'd since, when I was in Flanders, to talke with a Lieutenant 
of horse who was the only man that could give an account, how 
that accident befell them; for seeing his face had been burnt, I 
casually ask'd him how he came by that misfortune? He answer'd 
me, that it was by the blowing up of powder at such a time near 
Arras; and upon my examining him concerning the particulars of 
it, he told me, That happening to be in the Rear of the whole 
Regiment, he saw one of the Troopers with a pipe of tobacco 
lighted in his mouth; wherupon he rode up to him, and taking it 
gently from him, threw it away after which he beat him with his 
sword: The Soldier being drunke, pull'd out his pistol, and pre- 
160 



1654 THE SIEGE OF ARRAS 

sen ted it to his breast; upon which the Lieutenant threw himself 
from his horse apprehending what might happen, and the Trooper 
at the same instant firing at him, it lighted on the bag behind the 
sd Lieutenant's horse, which taking fire, blew it up, and so, from 
one successiuely to the other who was next, it spred through the 
whole Regiment: he being on the ground escap'd best cheape, 
having only his face, his hands, and some parts of his bod 
scorched. 

This accident was So very remarkable, that I could not but 
mention it, especially because it was the only party of the Enemy 
which miscarryd, or which indeed wee mett with excepting twice ; 
one which was rencountred by the Marquess de Richelieu com 
manded by the Comte de Lorge, but there the advantage was not 
on our side, for the Comte resolutely forc'd his way through the 
Marquess's men, beat them, and took three or four of his Cap 
tains, loosing only twelve horses laden with powder, and getting 
safe with the rest into the Lines of their own Camp. The other was 
yet of worse consequence to us, by the considerable loss wee Sus- 
tain'd in the person of Monsr. de Beaujeu, the Lieut Genii who 
commanded our party: he being sent out by Mr. de Turenne with 
a body of eight hunderd horse, and having notice of a Convoy 
which was to come into the Enemy's Lines by the way of * * * 2 
immediatly taking that way about break of day he mett a party of 
the Enemy commanded by Mr. Druot (Drooi) a Colonell coming 
from the Enemies Camp; the numbers of both sides were in a 
manner equall, but the Enemy had no advertisement of our being 
there; yet it so happened that most of our men were at that time 
dismounted from their horses, expecting intelligence of the Sup 
posed party which came the other way, which made it easy for 
Droots men to overrun as they did the two first Squadrons, before 
they could mount; And as for Beaujeu, his misfortune was such, 
that as he was going to put the next Squadron in order, he was 
slayn, and that body also beaten: So that if the Regiment of 
Beauuau (Beauveau) had not made a stand, and put a stop to the 
Violence of the Enemy, by beating their first Squadron which had 
done all this execution, Our whole party had been absolutly de 
feated. But this advantage gave leasure to the rest of our men to 
put themselves in order, and to receive a charge from the Enemy, 
2 There is also a blank in the MS. (p. 122). 

161 



CAMPAIGNS OF THE DUKE OF YORK 1654 

which was not very vigorous, Droot having been hurt in the for 
mer by the Regiment de Beauveau ; so that there was no great mis- 
cheif done at that bout on either side, they only disordering each 
other: wherupon the Enemy, not knowing the certain number of 
our men, and fearing they might be stronger then indeed they 
were, judg'd it convenient for them to march away, and our 
Soldiers having lost their Commander were enough content to es 
cape as they did, and thought not of following them ; so that in this 
action, it might be said that both were beaten: As for the number 

' O 

of the Slayn and prisoners on either side, it was very inconsider 
able excepting the loss of our Lieut. General!, 

For my own particular I was once a broad in my turn, with 
about a thousand horse, and being posted in a litle Valley with my 
party, my Centryes being out every side, a party of the Enemy 
consisting of an hundrd horse coming from their Camp to go for 
Cambray, surprised a Corporall and two Centryes, just as he was 
about to releive them; who being ask'd by those who had made 
them prisoners, what our numbers were? The Corporall answer'd, 
About a hunderd, and that most of us were dismounted, feeding 
our horses : which they beleeving came furiously down upon us at 
a great gallop their trumpett sounding the charge before them ; 
but when they were with in pistoll-shott of us, perceiving their mis 
take, and that in stead of a small party, and those off their horses, 
they were to deal with severall Squadrons all on horseback, they 
retired faster then they had come on : Which I observing, was a 
moment in doubt what I should do, imagining at first they would 
never haue advanced with so much fury, if they had not been well 
seconded; but immediatly weighing with how much precipitation 
they ran off, I concluded their number to be no more then what I 
saw, wherupon I ordered the Squadron upon the head of which I 
was, to disband after them, myself with the rest riding softly 
after: but they made such hast, that our Soldiers could not over 
take them; yet they escap'd not, for they fell into the hands of 
another party of ours, which took them every man. The same 
morning also, another party of theirs was taken by me; for as I 
was marching back towards the Camp, a small detachment of 
mine brought me word, that they had discovered about a hundred 
horse of the Enemy, putting themselves in ambuscade a litle be 
fore day in a neighbouring Village: upon which intelligence I 

162 



1654 THE SIEGE OF ARRAS 

marched with my whole party as near the Village as I could, with 
out being seen by them, sending a small number of my men to 
draw them out of their ambuscade; with order, that when the 
Enemy came out to charge them, they shou'd retire to the main 
body. This they performed so dexterously, that the Enemy were 
closse upon us before they perceived us, So that none of them 
escap'd from being taken. 

While these things pass'd without the Camps, the Enemy be 
fore Arras having finished their Line on the I4th August open'd 
their Trenches the same night, following the Seige with all man 
ner of diligence, and pressing the Town so very hard, that tho 
Monsr. de Mondejeu who was Governour, performed all the parts 
of an expert Commander, and was assisted by Monsr. de St Lieu, 
the Cheualier de Crequi and the Baron d'Equancourt, with all 
imaginable gallantry; yet the Spaniard gained ground upon him 
every day, and by the * * * 3 of August had made themselves mas 
ters of the corne de Guiche, and not only of the outward but of the 
inward also, as may be seen by the plan of it; continuing to push 
on their work with vigour, notwithstanding the resistance which 
they found. This obliged the Governour to send out severall Mes 
sengers to our Generalls, some of which came safely into our Camp 
to inform us of the condition of the place. 

One of these Messengers having swallow' d the Note he 
brought, wrapt up in lead (that in case he had been taken and 
searched it might not haue been found about him) and coming at 
a time when the Generalls were very impatient to hear from the 
Town, the Messenger was not able to voyd the paper in above 24 
houres, though severall purges were given him to bring it out of 
his body: This gave them great anxiety, and particularly Monsr. 
de la Fert cryd out with a great passion, Ilfaut eventrer le coquinl 
'the rascall must haue his belly ript up', since he will not voyd it: 
This put the fellow into such a fright, that being then just at the 
door of the Tente, the peice of lead came immediatly from him; 
and by the account it brought, made us defer attacking the Lines 
of the Enemy before the Stenay troopes were come up to us, the 
Town not being so prest as wee had reason to beleeve it was by 
some letters wee had intercepted from the Enemy's Camp to some 
in Flanders, wherin they confidently affirm'd they should be masters 
3 There is a similar blank in the MS. (p. 1 24). 

163 



CAMPAIGNS OF THE DUKE OF YORK 1654 

of the Town by St Laurence's day at furthest; which with the news 
wee had from the Army before Stenay, that the Seige there did not 
advance so fast as wee expected, and so no liklyhood of having 
those troopes before that day, had made our Generalls resolve not 
to stay for them, and forthwith to attacke the Lines, ordering 
every Squadron of horse and battalion of foot to provide them 
selves with such a number of fascines and hurdles within two days. 
The reason of this provision was, because the Enemy had made 
without the utmost ditch of their Line, about six rowes of holes, 
of a foot and a half or two foot diameter, and three foot in depth, 
that our horse might not be able to pass to the edge of the out 
ditch, and with the help of these hurdles wee hop'd to get over 
them: But as I have already Said, those apprehensions were all 
blown over by the Note which the Messenger had brought them, 
and by the good news which arriv'd the next day from before 
Stenay, which imported that it would soon be taken; They 
thought it reasonable therfore to attend the coming of those 
troopes, and in the mean time wee continued our preparations for 
attacking the Lines when it should be judg'd fitt. 

About the * * * 4 of August wee had notice from Mr. d'Hoc- 
quincourt, to whom the Court had newly given the Command of 
the troopes that had been before Stenay (for it was not he but Mr. 
Faber Governour of Sedan who had commanded them before 
when they took Stenay) that he was within * * * 5 days march of 
the French Army, and desir'd to know whither he should come 
up and joine us, or incampe at some other place; to which they 
returned this answer, That Monsr. de Turenne wou'd meet him 
with fifteen squadrons of horse at * * * and that if Mr. d'Hoc- 
quincourt would come thither before and bring with him all his 
horse, they too would go together, and view a post upon the brook 
(de Crinchon) 1 near Riuiere ; where they beleeved would be found a 
convenient place for him to campe, and where by intrenching him 
self a litle, he might be secure from any attempt which the Enemy 
could make on him. 

Accordingly Monsr. de Turenne and the other, mett at the 

4 There is also a blank in the MS. (p. 1 26). 

5 This part of the sentence is omitted in the MS. 

6 *a un certain endroit' in the MS. 

7 Not in the MS. 

164 



i6$4 THE SIEGE OF ARRAS 

place appointed on the lyth of August: But instead of going as 
they had resolved, to view that post, having immediatly received 
notice of a great Convoy coming to the Enemy from St Omer and 
Aire, by the way of St Paul, under the command of Mr. de Boutte- 
ville, they march'd away on the instant with their horse, and left 
word for Mr. d'Hocquincourt's foot, canon, and baggage which 
was then about Bapaume, to make what expedition they could 
after them to St Paul ; taking their way by Buquoy, and so along 
by the woods, to cover them as much as they could possibly, be 
cause they had no horse to guard them. In the mean time, wee 
with the Cavalry were come as far as St Paul, where wee had in 
telligence that the Convoy having had notice of our coming that 
way, was return'd to Ayre, for which reason wee went no farther 
after them: But finding the enemy had possessed themselves of 
that Town, and had left four or five hundred dismounted troopes 
in it for its defence, it was thought fitt by our two Generalls to 
stay where wee were till our foot came up, and then to attack it, it 
being a very considerable post which had been of great seruice to 
the Enemy; for most of their Convoys had come Safely to them by 
that way, and it was their usuall resting place betwixt their garri 
sons on that side of the Country and their Camp, so that it was 
necessary for us to take it from them. It cost us litle time and 
labour, for as soon as our foot and cannon were come up which 
was on the i8th when our Batterys were made, they capitulated, 
and, as I remember, were made prisoners of warr. 

This being performed, the next day wee marched back towards 
the Lines and quartered at Aubigny, where, coming early to our 
quarters, Monsr. de Turenne according to his custome took with 
him a Squadron or two of horse and went on towards the Enemies 
Lines; and when he was come near an old Roman Camp, which 
was call'd by the Country-men Coesar's Camp, 8 where the Scarpe 
and a litle brook joyne together, he found the Enemy had there an 
advanced guard of horse, which "upon our coming towards them 
retir'd to the other side of the brook; by which means Monsr. de 
Turenne had the leisure to view that post which was not distant 
from the Line of the Enemy above twice cannon shott. 

And he found it so proper for his turn, that he propos'd it to 
Monsr. d'Hocquincourt, as a much securer and better post to all 
* 'Camp de C&ar.' 

I6 5 



CAMPAIGNS OF THE DUKE OF YORK 1654 

intents, then that of Riuiere: Wherupon the next day being the 
20th wee march'd thether, and to render it yet more secure, 
Monsr. d'Hocquincourt ordered his men to make a Line from the 
River to the brook; and finding that the Enemy had put five hun- 
derd men into the Abbey of Mount St Eloy, which was but just 
on the other side of the River, he resolved to attack it the next day 
notwithstanding its neighbourhood to the Enemies Lines; that by 
possessing it he might the better keep them in. 

Being thus resolved, the next morning early he passed the River, 
which is there but very small, and drew up all those troopes in 
battell betwixt the Abbey and the Line, excepting such of the foot 
as were commanded to attack the place: At first the Enemy made 
shew as if they intended to mentain the Outwall, but upon the ad 
vancing of our foot they quitted it, and retir'd into the Abbey it 
self which had a good old wall about it, flancked with round 
Towers. So soon as wee were masters of the Outwall, wee made 
Embraseurs through it for our canon, and began to batter the 
wall of the Abbey; But finding that our canon could not do much 
at so great a distance, wee rais'd a slight battery, which was in 
deed no more then a blind within the Outwall, and brought the- 
ther our great guns, where in four hours they began to make a 
breach, and while the canon perform'd their part, the foot did 
theirs also: for having got by the shelter of some walks, and litle 
garden-walls within pistoll-shott of the foot of the main-wall, they 
fastened a Miner to it by the help of Madriers, and just as the 
Miner was ready to go on with those who were to carry the plancks 
to secure him, our foot which were cover'd by the garden-walls 
drew out from behind them, and stood firing as fast as they were 
able, for half a quarter of an hour together, at the Enemys loop 
holes, that the Miner might lodge himself with more safety; 
which being done they drew back behind the walls again. They 
were the French and Suisse Guards who perform'd this, and not 
withstanding they approched so very near, and were seen from 
head to foot when they drew out, yet they lost very few men in the 
Action. At the same time the Regiment de la Marine found the 
means of lodging themselves, by the favour of a litle banck close 
to the Tower which wee were battering: so that those within the 
Abbey thought it was now high time for them to capitulate, which 
they did, yeelding up the Abbey and themselves prisoners of warr. 

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1654 THE SIEGE OF ARRAS 

This being done. Monsieur d'Hocquincourt drew back over 
the brook to Coesar's Camp, and Monsr. de Turenne march'd 
away from thence, with his fifteen Squadrons of horse and two 
Troopes of Dragoons, to his own Camp. In his way thether he re 
solved to take a view of the Enemies Line on that Side, and in 
order to it, march'd down from Mont St Eloy, straight upon them, 
till he came within half canon shott of them, and so keeping still 
the same distance from their Line, continued his march round that 
part of it which was on that side of the River Scarpe, till he had 
fully view'd it. During all this time the cannon shott from the 
Line playd hard upon us, and not without doing execution, there 
being not any of the Squadrons that escap'd without the loss of 
two or three men at least, and many of them lost more, besides 
horses, which caus'd some of the old horse Officers to murmure 
that they should be expos'd in that manner, as they then thought, 
to no purpose. And this was the only time while I serv'd in the 
French Army, that I ever knew Monsr. de Turenne blam'd for 
hazarding his men unnecessarily. But the same Officers acknow 
ledge they were in the wrong for taxing their Generall, after wee 
had forced those Lines which they came then to obserue; for then 
the reason was evident why he exposed not only his men, but his 
own person to that danger, it being at that very time, that he chose 
the place where he resolved to attack the Line. And indeed had he 
not gone so near with his whole body, the Enemys horse guards 
would not haue retired as they did within their Line ; and then he 
could not haue view'd it so exactly, for wee approched so near with 
some few loose horse, that Mr. Jermyn's (Lord Germainf horse 
was kilFd under him with a small shott from the Line, which 
peirced him through and gave his master a terrible blow on the 
leg afterwards. 

Thus Monsr. de Turenne by passing so near them, had the op 
portunity of viewing most exactly the strength of each quarter of 
the Enemy, all their troopes standing to their armes as wee 
marched along by them. He observed the quarter of Don Fer 
nando de Solis to be the weakest, not only in men, but in the forti 
fication of it; for which reason he resolv'd to make his strongest 
impression there. Some of our Officers as wee were marching 

9 The MS. Campagnts (p. 130) lias 'Mr. Germain*, but the reference is probably 
to Jennyn. 

167 



CAMPAIGNS OF THE DUKE OF YORK 1654 

down towards the Lines from Mont St Eloy, were bold enough to 
represent to Monsr. de Turenne, the extreme hazard which he 
ran by going so near the Enemy in so open a Country, who (where] 
they could tell every man wee had, and therby knowing our 
force, might draw out and defeat us without any danger to them 
selves; which he freely acknowledg'd they might do, and that 
were it on the Prince Conde's side as it was on the Spaniards, he 
would not haue made the Venture: but having serv'd amongst the 
Spaniards, he well knew their methods of proceeding, And he was 
certain, that upon our first approche towards their Lines, Don 
Fernando de Solis would not dare to do any thing of himself, 
without sending first to the Count of Fuensaldagne who was 
Governador de las Armas; and the Count would either go himself 
or send to advertise the Archduke of it: after which they would 
send to the Prince of Conde, whose quarter was quite on the other 
side, and give him notice, at the same time desiring him to come 
to the Archduke's quarter where they were, to haue a Junto to 
consider what must be done on that occasion; And while this con 
sultation which must pass through so many formes was making, 
wee should haue leisure to view their Lines, and afterwards to pass 
by them without running any other hazard then that of their canon 
from their Lines. It happen'd just as he had foretold it would, and 
all those very Formalities were actually observed by the Spani 
ards, as the Prince of Conde himself told me afterwards in Flan 
ders ; but by that time they had resolved at their Junto to fall upon 
us, wee were wholly out of their danger and gotten in to our Camp. 
Monsieur de Turenne having taken this view, it was now time 
for us to put some thing in execution in order to releeve the Town; 
for by a letter from the Governour, our Generalls had notice that 
he had very litle pouder left, so that unless he were speedily suc- 
cour'd he must be forced to capitulate* This hastened our resolu 
tion of attacking their Lines ; which had never been attempted but 
by the means of Monsr. de Turenne, who considered nothing but 
the public good, and the carrying of the King's Seruice; most of 
the other Generall Officers having by-ends and interests of their 
own, which made them declare openly against the taking of such a 
resolution, and oppose it with all the arguments they could in 
vent. For Mr. de la Fert, he was unwilling to run the hazard of 
losing so many of his Soldiers, as in all probability must be kill'd 

168 



1654 PLANS FOR THE RELIEF OF ARRAS 

in the attempt; for being of so much consideration at Court by 
reason of his troopes, he was unwilling they should be lessened. 
Monsr. d'Hocquincourt was Governour of Perone 5 which if 
Arras was once taken, would then more fronteer then it was be- 
fore> and a considerable part of the contributions belonging to 
that place, would fall to him : The same reason prevail'd with Mr. 
de Navailles Governour of Bapaume, and with Monsr. de Bar 
Governour of Dourlans, both of the Lieutenant Generalls; and 
most of the rest, excepting only myself and the Count de Broglio 
looking on it as a desperate peice of sendee, gave their opinions 
against the attack; for by weaving the attempt they secur'd their 
persons, and if the attempt were made and succeeded not, they 
might be able to say, it was undertaken contrary to their judg 
ment: And this is not sayd as my bare conjecture, but was very 
apparent; for Monsr. d'Hocquincourt and his Officers propos'd 
to make a tentative, as they calFd it, or an offer, without pushing 
for the Saving of our honours, judging it impossible to effect the 
Enterprise. M. de la Ferte even after it was resolved on, a day or 
two before the attack, sent his Trumpett to Monsr. de Turenne, 
hoping by the Relation he should give, to fright him from attempt 
ing it, which appear'd by the manner of his coming; for he came 
in to Monsr. de Turenne's Tent as he sat at Supper with severall 
Officers, and told him, he was sent by his Master to give him an 
account of what he had seen in the Enemies Lines, he being newly 
come from thence, and adding, that he was bound in conscience to 
give him a true relation of it. He then told him, That they had 
made their Lines extraordinarly strong, having inlarged their 
ditch and raised their Line; that their out ditch was very difficult 
to pass, and that without it there were severall ranks of holes, with 
stakes betwixt every hole, and that their Lines were well furnish'd 
with Souldiers to defend them. Upon this Monsr. de Turenne 
grew angry, and commanded him to be gone, telling him withall, 
That were it not for the respect he bore his Master, he would 
haue layd him by the heels for talking in that manner: For indeed 
this discourse being made in a publick place, might haue been of 
ill consequence to discourage all who heard it, had they not 
guessed he had been ordered by Monsr. de la Fert6 to give this 
tragicall account. 

But Monsr. de Turenne's judgment was too well settled, to give 

169 



CAMPAIGNS OF THE DUKE OF YORK 1654 

way of his artifices. So that in stead of suffering his own reason to 
be shaken by them, he made the falsness of their arguments 
appear. As for the tentative, he convinced those who upheld it, 
that they (were) under a manifest mistake, for in stead of saving 
their reputation it would haue a quite contrary effect; because by 
making a faint (feinf) attempt, without pursuing it, everyone 
would see they intended nothing more, so that they should haue 
the disrepute of Sacrifising two or three hundred men to no pur 
pose: And then as to the probability of our succez in attacking the 
Line, he said, Wee should fall on with no less then fifteen bat- 
tallions upon one front, that some of these would find none to 
oppose them or at worst only some scatter'd men ; That those who 
found no form'd body to make resistance, would doubtless fix 
themselves on the Line where they fell on, and that consequently 
all the rest of our foot coming to that place, if they could not force 
their way where they attack'd, must by being masters of the fire, 
beat off the Enemy and make an entrance for the horse; That by 
attacking them in the night, one quarter durst not come to the 
assistance of the other, for that by reason of the false attacks, each 
fearing for himself, would not dare to forsake his Station, and help 
his Neighbour till break of day, and before that time wee should 
haue forced our passage through their Lines; That what he most 
apprehended was some disorder or accident in our march thether, 
for he was very confident, that were wee once ready drawn up, 
where wee intended our attack, wee should be able to force our 
way; And to strengthen these his reasons, the Court was abso 
lutely for the attempt, so that infine it was resolv'd on, notwith 
standing all the trickes and reluctance of those who oppos'd it. 

The time appointed was the Eve of St Lewis his day, being 
the night of the 24th of August; and tho none in the Army be 
sides the three Generalls knew the certain time, yet the whole 
Army had orders to prepare for it, and to provide themselves of 
fascines and hurdles and all other necessaries for such an under 
taking; neither were they obliged only to make these prepara 
tions, but those which were full as necessary, which were publick 
prayers at the head of each Battalion and Squadron for severall 
days before, and as many as could, confessed, and received the 
blessed Sacrament: So that I am confident no Army ever show'd 
more markes of true deuotion then ours at that time. And now 

170 



1654 PREPARATIONS FOR THE RELIEF OF ARRAS 

that the night for the attack drew near, Monsr. de Turenne did on 
all occasions discourse with the Officers concerning the mafiere of 
it, and what resistance wee were like to find, instructing them how 
co behave themselves according to the Severall occasions which 
might arise, and accidents which might happen: But above all 
things he recommended to them the care of keeping their Men in 
perfect order when they were once with in the Lines, and to be 
very cautious that they advanced not too fast, after they were 
gotten in ; for then was the criticall time of care and discipline, 
there being more danger of being beaten out, then there was 
hazard in entring, for it was to be expected that all the forces of 
the other quarters would come powring in upon us : and that wee 
shou'd not think of going straight forward to the Town, but shou'd 
march along the Line and clear that before us, and beat the Enemy 
before wee thought of marching to our freinds. These kind of dis 
courses he had every day with his Officers, as occasion was pre 
sented, in common talk, and more especially with the Generall 
Officers. And I am apt to beleeve that from this manner of con 
versation, historians haue made speeches for many Generalls who 
never made any to their Armys when they were upon the point of 
giving battell; for such ordinary discourses as I have mentioned, 
appear to me to be much more usefull then set fonnall speeches, 
which can not be heard but by very few, in an open field, where 
they are commonly feign'd by writers to haue been spoken: 
whereas by familiar conversation with Several Officers, the 
Generall do's not only instruct them much better, and at more 
leisure, but is ready at the same time to answer any of their objec 
tions, and to clear any doubt which may arase. I know not whither 
any of the two other Generalls did the same, but I am a witness 
that it was done by Monsieur de Turenne. 

And now all things being fully prepared for the attack, all the 
men of quality at Court, who were of age to draw a sword, came 
from thence into our Army to haue their share both of the honour 
and the danger of so great an undertaking. And some of them 
happening to dine with Monsr. de Turenne, and myself, at the 
Marquess d'Humieres his tent, about two days before the attack, 
after diner had a desire to see the Enemie's Lines. Monsr. de 
Turenne therfore gott on horseback with all those who had din'd 
together, and went out of our Line towards one of our out horse- 

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CAMPAIGNS OF THE DUKE OF YORK 1654 

guards. Just as wee came out wee saw a small party of ours pur 
suing a party of the Enemies, which had fallen on our foragers, 
who were then returning to our Camp. Monsr. de Turenne ob 
serving this, commanded us who were with him, to try if wee 
could get betwixt them and their Line, and cutt off their way, at 
the same time ordering the horse guards to second us. But tho 
wee were well hors'd, the Enemy got to their guard before wee 
could joine them, and upon our advancing up towards the Enemy, 
they drew into their Line, and left some few foot, which were 
making fascines in a litle wood which was about half cannon shott 
from their Line, to our mercy; and these wee made prisoners: and 
here Monsr. de Turenne took this opportunity of Viewing that 
part of their Lines, which he had not seen before. 

But he continued not long there, for they plyd us very hard 
with their canon, and wee saw them getting in horse back as fast 
as they could, So that it was evident they would come out upon us, 
it being the Pee of Conde's quarter: Therfore wee drew off and 
went towards a Castle call'd Neufville S. Vat which was not above 
a league distant, in which wee had foot, and as wee were descend 
ing from the high ground on which wee were, wee saw about a 
league from us the Convoy of our foragers, consisting of twelve 
Squadrons of horse commanded by Monsr. de Plslebonne, a 
Lieut Genl, marching home to our Camp. 

At the same time Seeing the Enemys horse beginning to draw 
our of their Lines, Monsr. de Turenne alter'd his course a litle, 
and march'd towards Monsr. de Plslebonne, sending before and 
ordering him to come up to us with all speed: Having hopes that 
in case the Enemy should follow us, wee should be able to do 
somewhat on them. By this time our number was increased, so 
that besides the Squadron of guards, which was with us, wee were 
about sixty or seventy officers and volonteers: But the Enemy 
followed us no further then the top of the hill which was within 
canon shott of their Lines, and thether came the Pee of Conde 
himself with about fourteen Squadrons of horse. When Monsr. de 
Turenne saw they followed us no farther, he sent word again to 
Monsr. PIslebonne that he should continue on his march to our 
Camp ; and sent back the Squadron of the guards to their post, 
himself going with the Officers towards the Castle I have already 
mention'd. 
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1654 RAISING THE SIEGE OF ARRAS 

But he had not gone fair, when some few scatter'd men came 
from the heigth, where the Pee of Conde was in person, and en- 
deavour'd to gain the top of another rising ground up which wee 
were marching, to discover what strength there was behind us ; 
which being observ'd by Monsr. de Turenne, he was not willing 
they should get above us, and by that means discern that wee had 
none to second us, and for that reason commanded out half a 
score volonteers to hinder their design ; of which number were 
Mr. Jermyn, Mr. Charles Berkley, Briscara, Trigomar, and 
others, whose names I do not remember. At the same time wee 
drew up in a body upon the top of the hill, and faced towards the 
Enemy: But our young Volonteers were not Satisfied with per 
forming only what was order'd them, but followed these loose men 
farther then in reason they ought to haue done, that is, even to 
(the} bottome, which was betwixt us and the Enemys bodys of 
horse; which the Pee of Conde seeing, commanded one of his 
Squadrons of horse, namely the Regiment d'Estrees with the 
Duke of Wirtemberg at their head, to come down at full speed 
upon our young men, and endeavour to cutt off the way of their 
return. This obliged Monsr. de Turenne to order us with our 
small body to meet and charge them, thereby, to disingage our 
friends ; And then again he sent for Monsr. de 1'Islebonne and the 
Squadron of guards to Second us. 

It was all wee could do to save our Volonteers, but in preserving 
them wee ingaged ourselves by charging the Duke of Wirtem 
berg, and thoug our body was not neer so strong as his, wee 
routed him, and pursued him down into a litle meadow, which lay 
in the bottom; from thence wee followed him up a litle balk, 
where his men turn'd upon us, and gave us a volley of their Cara- 
bins, which gave a litle Stop to us by their knocking down severall 
of our men and horses. This being observed by the Enemy re- 
new'd their courage, and they charg'd down upon us the Second 
time with so much vigour, that they forced us back, pressed upon 
us, and made us begin to turn our backs. But at the same time the 
Squadron of guards, who as they were going to their post had 
seen the beginning of the skirmish, came into our releif, and just 
as they came up to us, myself and Monsr. de Joyeuse turn'd and 
put ourselves at their head, leading them up to charge the Enemy 
in the flanck : but at the instand when wee were puting this in exe- 



CAMPAIGNS OF THE DUKE OF YORK 1654 

cution, the whole Squadron ran and left us two ingaged, non stay- 
Ing with us but two or three of our Servants. 

Almost at the same point of time Monsr. d'Arcy a gentleman 
of quality had his horse kill'd under him, and wee endeavoured to 
get him off; I call'd to him to get off, but he seeing a loose horse 
which had lost his rider, would needs catch him, and stayd so long 
in endeavouring it, that though I and Monsr. de Joyeuse did all 
wee could to lay hold of him and gett him off, wee were not able to 
performe it; and indeed wee endeavour'd it So long, and ingaged 
ourselves so far, that wee were both in danger of being taken, and 
had much ado to escape ourselves. As for Monsr. de Joyeuse he 
had the misfortune to receive a shott through the Arme, of which 
afterwards he dy'd, but I got off without any harme. Mr. Jermyn 
was like to haue been taken in endeavouring to save one Beaure 
gard, whose horse being also kill'd, he help'd him up behind him, 
but the horse would not carry double, and bounding threw him 
off; Therupon Jermyn advis'd him to lay hold on his stirrup, by 
which means he brought him a litle way from the Enemy, till at 
length being press'd by them, he was forced to quit him, and then 
Beauregard was made prisoner. Mr. Berkley help'd to get off 
Monsr. de Castelneau, whose horse was shott in five places, so 
that he was hardly able to bear him from the Enemy; which Berk 
ley seeing, dismounted, and lent the other his own horse, after 
which he gott upon another on which (one of] Monsr. de Castel- 
neau's pages was mounted, and with much difficulty escaped. 

The Enemy had the chase of us for almost a mile, and had pur 
sued us farther, had not Monsr. de Plslebonne with his twelve 
Squadrons come to our relief; but seeing him they retir'd time 
enough for their own safety, without being oblidg'd to run for it. 
Besides d'Arcy and Beauregard, there were some others taken, and 
almost all the pages who were there with their Master's cloakes. 
Very few were kill'd and not many hurt; yet it vex'd Monsr. de 
Turenne to haue received that litle affront in person, and made 
him desirous to haue some kind of revenge, and he hop'd to haue 
had it that very night; for having received intelligence that the 
Enemy were accustom'd to come out of their Lines and forage in 
the night, he resolved to fall upon them. 

And to that purpose so soon as it was dark, he march'd out of 
his Camp in person with all his horse then in his Camp with him. 



1654 RAISING THE SIEGE OF ARRAS 

which were about fourty Squadrons, and took along with him 
three or four Lieut Generalls, amongst whom he divided them, 
himself marching at the head of all : But whither the intelligence 
were false, or that they, having notice of our design, were gone off 
before wee could reach the place where wee were informed they 
us'd to forage when wee came thether wee found no body; so 
that having miss'd of our expectations, Monsr. de Turenne made 
the Van of that which was the Rear, and march'd back, as he 
thought, towards his Camp, The night happened to be exceeding 
dark, and our guides mistaking their way, in stead of leading us to 
their Camp brought us to the Lines of the Enemy. 

It was the Prince of Conde's quarter which they mistook for 
ours; and upon the Gentry's asking who went there? they were 
answer'd Turenne; he repeated the question, and demanded 
farther if it was not Lorraine they meant? but they answer'd again 
that it was Turenne, upon which he fir'd at them; Then some of 
our men who continued still in their errour, cryd out to him not to 
fire, for Mr. de Turenne was there in person : This obliged the 
Enemy to fire some few small shott at us, and one great gun, which 
absolutely undeceived us, but withall put us into the greatest dis 
order imaginable, causing such a panique fear in our common 
men, that I was confident, if that moment fourty horse had come 
out upon us, wee had been defeated. The cheif, or rather the only 
cause of the first disorder was the darkness of the night, our 
Squadrons being therby obliged to march so close to one another, 
for fear of loosing the File, that upon the sudden stop which was 
made by the first Squadron when the Gentry fir'd, those behind 
came shouldring one upon another and broke their order; But 
upon their firing afterwards from the Line, the formost giving a 
litle back and altering their course immediatly to wheel about to 
wards their own Camp, the confusion was so great, that of ten 
Squadrons which ought to haue been behind mine, there was not 
one at our marching back, So that I happened to haue the Reer in 
coming oflf; but the hurry was soon over, for wee all gott safe 
into our Lines, as also those Squadrons which had lost their way, 

This happen'd, as I said, about a day or two before wee attack' d 
the Lines, And now our fascines and hurdles and other necessarys 
for such an attempt, being fully provided, our Generalls resolv'd 
to attack the quarter of Don Fernando Solis with their whole 




[76 



1654 RAISING THE SIEGE OF ARRAS 

forces, as being the weakest in all respects, and farthest distant 
from the Prince of Conde : This quarter began on the north side of 
the River above the Town, and joyn'd to that of the Count of 
Fuensaldagne. To favour this undertaking, three false attacks 
were order'd to be made on the other parts of the Line; the time 
appointed, an houre before day on the 25th of August. 

In performance of this resolution, Monsr. de Turenne and 
Monsr. de la Ferte with their two Armys began with the Van of 
their troopes to pass over the Scarpe out of Monsr. de la Ferte's 
quarters, about Sun sett. It was Monsr. de Turenne's turn that 
day to lead, and they had a great march to come to the place ap 
pointed for the attack; but it was so well order'd that there hap- 
pen'd no confusion in the way, there being very many bridges 
over the Scarpe made, and such care taken, that no ill accident 
arrived to them in their march. Every man knew his own business. 
The first line of the foot pass'd over the bridge, which was on the 
left hand of all the others, and nearest to the Enemies Line. On 
the next bridge to that on the right hand of them, the horse pass'd 
over which were to second them. On the third, the Reserve of 
horse and foot : On the next to it, the Traine of Artillery, with all 
that belong to it; so that with only faceing to the left wee were in 
battalia, and in a readiness to falle on; every battalion having their 
Pioneers, and commanded men, ready at the head of them, and 
each Trooper carrying two fascines a horseback before him, to 
deliver to the Foot when they should haue occasion for them. As 
for our baggage it was order'd to be in a readiness, but not to 
stirr out of the Camp till it was broad daylight, because no 
guard was left with it; but afterwards to come to us as they 
could. 

This was the order of our march, which was perform'd with 
such conduct and exactness, that wee came just at the houre ap 
pointed, to the place where wee were to meet M. d'Hocquincourt 
with his troopes. In all this way wee halted but once, and that but 
for a very litle time, without hauing given the least allarme to the 
Enemy in the march ; though for the greatest part of the way, had 
not our musketeers observ'd their orders very carefully in hiding 
their metches, the Enemy from their Lines must needs haue dis- 
cover'd them. I remember that once that night, out of curiosity to 
see how they observ'd their orders, I went without our Foot at a 

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CAMPAIGNS OF THE DUKE OF YORK 1654 

Htle distance from them, and could not so much as perceive one 
lighted match. 

And here it will not be amiss to mention our order of battell, 
and how our Generall Officers were disposed, but I shall only be 
very particular in those who belonged to Monsr. de Turenne: He 
divided his eight Lieut Generalls equally betwixt the horse and 
foot, four to each. To the first Line of foot composed of five bat 
talions he appointed three, The Count de Broglio commanded 
Picardy and the Suisse which were the two right hand battalions: 
Monsr. de Castelneau those of Plessis and Turenne which were 
on the left hand, and M. du Passage that of la Feuillade which 
was in the midst. To command the horse which seconded these, 
consisting of about twenty-four Squadrons, he appointed also 
three: Mr de Barr had the charge of those on the right hand be 
hind Mr de Broglio, Myself on the left hand behind Monsr. de 
Castelneau, and Monsr. d'Eclinvillers in the midst. The reserue 
of foot consisting of three battalions was commanded by Monsr. 
de Roncherolles, and that of horse by Monsr. de Tlslebonne who 
had under him eight Squadrons: This was Monsr. de Turenne's 
order of battell for that occasion. 

Monsieur de la Ferte who drew up on his left hand, had one 
only line of foot consisting of six battalions, two lines of horse 
behind them, and a reserue of horse; Monsr. d'Hocquincourt who 
was placed on the right hand, had first four battalions of foot, then 
a line of horse, and behind them a second line of foot of four bat 
talions more, with some horse on their wings, and a small reserue 
of horse not exceeding three or four Squadrons. Wee also had 
three false attacks; the first, of Monsr. de Turenne's troopes com- 
pos'd of two battalions of foot, being York and Dillon, and six 
Squadrons of horse, all commanded by Monsr. de Tracy who had 
orders to get as neer as he cou'd without being discovered to the 
Prince of Conde's quarters ; but not to fall on, till he heard the 
attack begun on the other side by us, and then to march directly 
to the Barrier of that quarter which he had been shewn some days 
before, and through it to endeavour to force his passage into the 
Town. The false attack from Monsr. de la Ferte's troopes was 
commanded by Mr. de la Guillottiere, who was to fall upon the 
Count de Fuensaldagne's quarter with two battalions, six Squad 
rons, two troopes of Dragoons, and two great guns. The false 

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i6$4 RAISING THE SIEGE OF ARRAS 

attack of Monsieur d'Hocquincourt was not considerable, being 
only of four Squadrons, and some ropes with metches ty'd to 
them, commanded by Mr. de St Jean, who was to make his on 
Prince Francis of Lorraine's quarter. These were the orders of the 
Several! Armies for the attack of the whole Line. 

And now Monsr de Turenne being come to the place appointed, 
found Mr d'Hocquincourt already there in person, but without 
his troopes which were not yet come up, tho they had but a very 
litle march to make. Hocquincourt said, his men were just com 
ing, and would immediatly be upon the place, till which time he 
desir'd the attack might be deferred. But Monsr. de Turenne an- 
swer'd, That he could not possibly delay it, being now so neer the 
Line, that the Enemy would soon discover him, that therfore he 
desir'd him to make what hast he could to fall on after him: And 
his own troopes being by this time in order, he led them on him 
self (on) horseback to attack the Line. 

Wee had in our march thether a very still faire night, besides 
the benefit of the moon, which sett as favorably for us as wee 
could desire, that is, just as wee came to the place appointed. As 
the moon went down, it began to blow very fresh and grew ex 
ceeding dark, in so much that the Enemy could neither see nor 
hear us, as otherwise they might; and they were the more sur 
prised when the first news they had of us, was to find us within 
half canon shott of them. I remember not to haue seen a finer sight 
of the nature, then was that of our foot when they were once in 
battell, and began to march towards the Lines ; for then discover 
ing at once their lighted metches, they made a glorious shew, 
which appear'd the more by reason of the wind, which kindled 
them and made them blaze throw the darkness of the night; for 
the breeze keeping the coal of their metches very clear, whenso 
ever any of the Musketeers (happened^) to shog against each other, 10 
the metches struck fire, so that the sparkles were carryd about by 
the wind to increase the light. 

Wee were no sooner discovered by the Enemy then they fir'd 
three cannon at us, and either made fires or sett up lights along 
the Line: Our foot then lost no time in falling on; but had not the 
vigour of the Officers who led them, and the horse by keeping so 

10 ' . . et les soldats qui marclioient serrez venans a s'entrechoquer, . . .* (MS. p. 

179 



CAMPAIGNS OF THE DUKE OF YORK 1654 

close to their rear, obliged the common men to do their duty, they 
had not perform'd it as they ought 3 nor as I allways till that time 
had observed them to do, for I never knew them to go on^so un 
willingly as then; which notwithstanding, they stopt not till they 
came to the Line itself, where the resistance they found was not So 
great as they suspected; for in a very litle time all our five bat 
talions made themselves masters of that part of it which they at 
tacked; and then they who were appointed for that worke, began 
to make passages for the horse to enter, and every Squadron of 
horse went up to the very holes which I have mention'd and then 
threw down their fascines, which the foot immediatly took up and 
help'd to fill up both the ditches. This being perform'd the horse 
wheel'd off, and drew up about thiry yards behind, expecting till 
passage should be made for them. 

While this was doing, one came to the left hand of the attack 
where I was at the head of the horse, and whisper ? d to me that M. 
de Turenne was hurt, and that matters went no well on the right 
hand: Upon which intelligence to incourage the foot, and to let 
them understand how near wee were to them, I commanded the 
kettle drums to beat, and the trumpets of the Squadron of horse 
at the head of which I was to sound, which being heard by all our 
other horse, they did the like. This incouraged our foot suffi 
ciently, but was of some prejudice to my own Squadron, and to 
that which was next it, for from a Redan on my left hand the 
Enemy by the beat of the kettle drums and sound of the trumpetts 
found where wee were, and plyd us with their shott. The Kettle 
drum was soon silenced, he being the first man who was killed of 
that Squadron where I was. 

This happened just as Monsr. de la Fert6 was beginning his at 
tack, he having not put his men so soon in order as Mr. de Tu 
renne had: But he either had not so good fortune, or found more 
resistance then our foot; for th5 his Officers led up their men with 
good resolution into the very ditch, yet they were not able to 
master the Line, but were beaten off, and came running away to 
shelter themselves amongst the horse which I commanded. The 
disorder was very great, the Officers complaining aloud, that they 
had been abandon'd by their Soldiers, and the Soldiers crying out, 
that they had followed their Officers, who had not behav'd them 
selves as became them: which part had justice on their side I know 

180 



1654 RAISING THE SIEGE OF ARRAS 

not, but beaten off they were, and the horse far'd the worse for 
their ill success; for the Enemy seeing their lighted metches, 
plac'd their small shott amongst them with much more certainty 
then they could before. 

By this time the Foot of our attack had made passages for our 
horse to enter, and Monsr. de Turenne's Regiment of Foot had 
found a Barriere which they open'd, and therby sav'd themselves 
the farther trouble of making a passage: Upon notice of which, 
Monsr. de Turenne order'd Mr. d'Eclinvillers to enter the first 
with four Squadrons of horse, and to be seconded by me; accord 
ingly he enter'd the Lines with his three first Squadrons, but as 
the fourth was going in, they who had beaten off la Fertes Foot 
came along the Line to this Barriere, and finding only this Squad 
ron of horse entring there, (the foot which had first mastered this 
Barriere having drawen off from thence, and advanced farther 
within the Line somewhat more on the right hand, as not thinking 
it necessary for them to stay and maintain that post when once the 
horse was enterd) powr'd into them a volly of small-shott, and 
threw severall hand granados in amongst them ; with which the 
Collonel who commanded that Squadron, one Bodervitz a Ger 
man, being shott from his horse tho not slaine, and his Major also 
much wounded, they were beaten off and the Enemy shutt that 
Barriere upon us. 

Seeing therfore I could not enter there, I went along the Line 
on the right hand till I found another passage, by which I enter'd 
at the head of Mr. de Turenne's own Regiment of horse, which 
on that occasion made but two Squadrons ; and finding the Enemys 
hutts on fire, which proved of great advantage to us (and As I 
heard afterwards was first thought upon by one Bout-de-bois 
Lieut. Colll. to la Feuillade) I advanced farther to see if any of the 
Enemy were yet drawn up behind them, and notwithstanding that 
some of their horse were still continuing there, it was so dark, that 
with the two first Squadrons I pass'd betwixt them without either 
seeing them, or being discovered by them; But the third, which 
was the Regiment d'Espence 11 (de Beauveau) lighted on them, 
beat them, and took the Marquis de Confians prisoner, who com 
manded the Regiment wch they defeated. By this time the day 
began to break, and I still advancing, came to the Countervalla- 

u <TEspange (MS. p. 148). 

181 



CAMPAIGNS OF THE DUKE OF YORK 1654 

, where finding no passage in it * * ** ; [yet I found none, till I 
came to the River above the Town which divided the Lorraine 
quarter from that of Don Fernando de Soils]. And seeing that 
none of ours had yet pass'd over into the Lorraine quarter, I altered 
my resolution and thought it proper for me to go over the bridges 

into it. . 

This I undertook with the Regt. of Turenne only, which made 
but two Squadrons, the rest of the horse which should haue^fol- 
low'd me having lost their way, and advanced as far as Prince 
Francis of Lorraine's Tent without finding any opposition. But 
being there, I saw four or five Squadrons of the Enemy drawn up, 
about the distance of muskett-shott from me upon another litle 
heigth. Wherupon I thought it best to halt a litle, till more horse 
came up to me, and drew up both my Squadrons upon one front, 
which just fill'd up the distance betwixt the Line and the Tents; 
after which I sent away three or four persons severally to bring the 
horse I wanted. While I was there expecting them, the Duke of 
Buckingham came up to me, and ask'd me, Why I would not pur 
sue the Victory, and charge those which were before me? To 
which I answer, That I had no mind to receive an affront, and 
expose my self to a certain defeat, what I saw of the Enemy already 
being twice our number, besides what part of them might be be 
hind the heigth on which they were ; That should wee advance and 
be beaten, the Enemy might make himself master of the bridges 
which wee had pass'd, and break them down, by which means 
they wou'd both save themselves and the baggage of that quarter; 
That if they came up and charg'd me where I then was, I should 
at least ingage them on equall termes, because they could not out- 
flanck me, besides which I had here the advantage of the ground; 
In short, that I expected more horse every moment, which being 
come I would then go and charge them. Thus resolved I continued 
there, and would not give way to his importunitys. 

The Enemy and wee stood looking on each other for some time, 

12 There is a gap Here in the text printed by Clarke (I, 222). The French MS. 
however (p. 198) supplies the missing words: 'On ne trouvant point de passage vers 
k ville II [i.e., James] k costoia, Paiant toujours a sa gauche et n'en rencontra^ point 
qu'en arrivant a k riviere au-dessus de la ville qui separoit le quartier de Loraine de 

celui de Fernando de Solis ' Ckrke, who notes this omission quotes the above 

passage from the text printed by Ramsay. This is the same as in the MS. (p. 198), 
although Ramsay modernised the spelling. 

182 



RAISING THE SIEGE OF ARRAS 

no horse coming to me; but, in mean time, some scattered men of 
ours fell to plunder Prince Francis his Tent, where besides his 
plate, there was a month's pay for his Army in ready mony, which 
had like to haue occasioned our paying dear for it; for our horse 
men hearing the noise which those plunderers made in taking it, 
in spight of their Officer's commands and threatnings, quitted 
their ranks one after another, and fell to ransack the Tent for their 
share of the booty; so that at last there were none left with me but 
Officers, and the twelve Cornetts; which being in full sight of the 
Enemy, I expected every moment to be charg'd and beaten: 
Being in this perplexity and hearing no news of those severall 
persons whom I had sent for horse, I thought it expedient to go 
myself and fetch them, and recommending to Monsr. de Mon- 
taulieu the Lieut Colll to make good that heigth till my return, I 
rode back, and found the Second Squadron of Villequier on the 
other side of the bridge going towards the Town, which I stop'd, 
and putting myself at their head, march'd over again: But scarce 
had the rear of the Squadron past the bridge, and the head being 
gott off from a small causwey begun to draw up into order again, 
when those horse which I had left to face the Enemy came run 
ning down the hill upon me in great disorder; At this the Squad 
ron which I brought with me took such a fright that they also ran 
and left me, it being impossible to stop them. Wherupon I re- 
passed the bridge, having seen four Squadrons on the other side 
of it, intending with them to come over again into the Lorraine 
quarter: But before I could bring them to the bridge, the Mare- 
shall d'Hocquincourt with all his horse, and severall Squadrons of 
the other two Armies were come thether, and began to pass. 

Seeing this, I thought there were horse enough that way, and 
so in stead of following them, I march'd directly the other way, 
betwixt the Countervallation and the Town, towards the Count de 
Fuensaldagne's quarter with my four Squadrons, two of which 
were Gendarmes commanded by Monsr. de Schomberg, the other 
two the Regiment de Gesvres, under Monsr. de Querneux. Being 
come with these upon a heigth from whence I could take a large 
view of all about me, I saw upon another heigth before me, be 
twixt the two Lines, severall Squadrons of horse drawn up facing 
towards the place wee enter'd. At first thought they were the 
Enemy; but seeing one of the Squadrons in red coats, I alter'd my 

183 



CAMPAIGNS OF THE DUKE OF YORK 1654 

opinion, and beleeved them to be our horse, taking that particular 
Squadron to be either the King's Chevaux-Legers, or his Gen 
darmes, their coats being of that coulour : Upon which conjecture 
I marched towards them to joyn my Body to theirs, because by ob 
serving their posture I knew they were facing an Enemy; but 
what that Enemy was I could not discern, a higher ground being 
interpos'd on my left hand which hinder'd my sight. 

But by that time I was gott to the bottom of the hill and was be 
ginning to march up, an Officer came to me from Monsr. de 
Turenne, with orders to come immediatly to him, and told me, 
that those whom he had taken for friends were enemys, and that 
Monsr. de Turenne was on the heigth over against them, who 
was in great want of troopes: Being thus inform'd I march'd back 
to joyn him, and came very opportunely with my four Squadrons, 
he having at that time about him only three Squadrons, and one 
Battalion which was rather for shew then of any use, it being com- 
pos'd of men and Officers rallyd together, who had been broken 
either by the Enemy, or by plundring. 

And here it will be proper to give an account how Monsr. de 
Turenne came thether, and how he happened to be in the posture 
in which I found him. The Reader is then to understand, that 
Monsr. de la Ferte being repulsed at his own attack, enter'd the 
Line where wee had gone in before him : Being once there, he was 
desirous of doing something extraordinary; and putting himself 
at the head of ten or twelve Squadrons of horse, some of which 
were his own and some belonging to Mr. de Turenne, it being 
now brode day light, he advanced along betwixt the two Lines 
towards the Count de Fuensaldagne's quarter; and at the same 
time, some of the Foot of both their Armies advanced also, 
amongst whom was the Battalion of the French Guards belonging 
to M. de la Ferte's Army, but these last came up in a disorderly 
manner along the line of Countervallation. Some horse of the 
Enemy were drawn up, and yet standing on a heigth: These being 
seen by Monsr. de la Fer.te, he march'd down the hill where he 
then was to charge them. But just before he ingag'd them, Mon 
sieur de Turenne came up to the place from whence la Ferte was 
newly gone, and was much troubled to see him go on in that man 
ner; he would willingly haue stopt him, but he came too late: so 
that all he could do was to stay two Squadrons which were follow- 

i 84 




G 
S3 
O 

sT 


p 
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O 

O 



BOVRBON REMIER 

Conk <Dut totttutaen. & 

franc 




6. Lours DE BOURBON, PRINCE DE CONDE 



1654 RAISING THE SIEGE OF ARRAS 

ing him, to draw them up upon the heigth, and to rally the bat 
talion I have already mentioned ; telling those that were about him. 
That he fear'd they should presently see la Ferte rowted; after 
which he himself should be hard put to it, to maintain that hill on 
which he was. As he said, so it happened, for M. de la Ferte was 
sufficiently beaten ; and at the same time when they charg'd him, 
they sent some horse to fall upon our foot which were without the 
Countervallation, and cutt most of them in pieces, taking, as I 
remember, severall Officers of the Guards, but not offering to 
follow their advantage, or to advance up the hill where Mr. de 
Turenne was drawn up; but in stead of doing so, withdrew to the 
heigth from whence they came when they charg'd Monsr. de la 
Ferte. 

In this posture I found affaires when I joyn'd Mr. de Turenne, 
who immediatly commanded me to draw within the two Lines, 
and draw up my Squadrons on the left hand of those who were 
already there: He then inform'd me of what had happen'd there, 
and that he apprehended, if the Enemy could gett together any 
foot, they would advance upon us and give us work enough to 
defend ourselves, there being no relying on those whom wee had 
there with us. After this, he enquired of me where I had been, and 
what was become of his Regiment of horse, and I gave him an 
account of all that had happen'd to me, and others, where I had 
been. 

By this time some of our canon, I think seaven, were got into 
the Line, and came to us, to our great Satisfaction, with some few 
other Squadrons of horse; and our canon began to play upon the 
Enemy's horse, doing great execution amongst them. But not 
withstanding this, Monsr. de Turenne was not without some 
apprehentions of what might happen, as doubting that the Enemy 
might advance upon us with foot; for seeing how ill our horse 
maintain'd their order, and that almost all our four (foot) were in 
confusion by their plundring, so that no body of our men was left 
in order, but that which was about himself, it was with no small 
reason that he fear'd some ill revolution in our success, in case he 
should be worsted where he was : But he continued not long in this 
apprehension, after our great guns began to play; for whether it 
was that they made the Enemies post too hott for them, or that for 
other reason they thought it not expedient for them to stay any 

G 185 



CAMPAIGNS OF THE DUKE OF YORK 1654 

longer there, about half an hour after the first gun was fir'd 
against them, they began to draw off. Once wee perceived some of 
their foot appearing, but immediatly they drew out of sight again ; 
and this happened some what before their horse drew off. 

I have since been informed by some who were then with the 
Prince of Cond6 (for it was he who was there and perform'd all 
that was considerable on the Enemys side) That he intended, if he 
could haue got two battalions of foot up to him, to haue come and 
charged as M. de Turenne beleeved he would; and that once he 
had gathered that number, which were those whom wee saw 
appear, yet so soon as they came within rach of our cannon, they 
wou'd not be perswaded to advance one foot farther, but shog'd 
off. 

And here 'tis admirable to consider, that these two great men, 
without being any other way advertised of each others being there, 
yet found it out on both sides by their mutuall conduct; Monsr. 
de Turenne positively affirming that the Pee of Conde was on the 
other hill, and that otherwise he would haue press'd those troopes 
more then now he would adventure to do ; and the Prince of Conde 
saying the like of Monsr. de Turenne, adding farther, That if any 
one besides him had been there, he would certainly haue charg'd 
him. 

This very consideration made Monsr. de Turenne, when the 
Prince drew off, not to follow him or endeavour to press upon his 
Rear; being satisfied with what already was perform'd, and un 
willing to trust fortune with any thing farther, when the main of 
his design was already accomplished. 

But Monsr. de Bellefonds, with some of the horse belonging to 
the Town, was not so cautious ; for endeavouring to do somewhat 
on the Prince's Rear as he passed the River into the Archduke's 
quarter, he was received so warmly that he was beaten off with 
loss : After which the Prince went over at his ease, for the rest of 
our troopes took warning by the success of their fellows, and ven- 
tur'd not again to charge him; and when he had pass'd through 
our old Camp, he began to rally his scatter'd men beyond the 
brook, and march'd away for Cambray. As for the Archduke 
(and) the Count de Fuensaldagne, they went to Douay with not 
above a Squadron or two in their company, and pass'd through 
our baggage, where the Archduke was known by some of Monsr. 
186 



1654 RAISING THE SIEGE OF ARRAS 

de Turenne's Servants; and had one Squadron of our horse been 
there, they might probably haue taken him. 

Tis now reasonable I should give some account of what was 
done by Mr. d'Hocquincourt. I have already mentioned in the be 
ginning of this Relation, that, when Monsr. de Turenne fell on, 
he was not in a rediness with his troopes, and as I have been since 
informed by some of his Officers, it was break of day before he 
began his attack. He storm'd the Line on the right hand of the 
place where wee enter'd, and found litle or no resistance ; So that 
the greatest Imployment of his foot was to make a passage for his 
horse, at the head of which enter'd the Mareshall himself, and 
came directly to the bridge, over which he pass'd into the Lor 
raine quarter, after I had been there and was gone out of it. And 
along with him went most of the horse belonging to the other two 
Armys. He met no opposition till he came to the brook which 
divided the Lorraine from the Pee of Condes quarter, where he 
found Mr. de Marsin drawn up on the other side with severall 
Squadrons of horse, which stopt him there a considerable time; 
the Army having some few foot, or some Troopers with their 
Carabins who maintained that passage so long, that most of the 
foot in that quarter had leisure to get off: and when some of our 
horse coming out of the Town upon him, obliged him to draw off, 
he made his retreat in so orderly a manner, that he march'd out of 
the Line without being broken, making use of his foot or Troopers 
who stood in stead of them, as he had done formerly at the brook: 
For as he drew out of the Line he placed them behind it, from 
whence they fir'd upon our horse, who not being so well order'd 
nor led on as they ought to haue been, were kept at a distance by 
the fire they made; so that under their favour Mr. de Marsin gott 
out of the Line, and So march'd off in excellent order, till he 
joyn'd the Prince of Conde at the same time when he was rallying 
his men as I have related. 

Much about this time, when Monsr. de Marsin was making 
his retreat out of the Line, Mr, de Mondejeu Governour of Arras 
being come out of the Town, some (of) the old horse Officers see 
ing him, desir'd he would put them into better order, because 
neither M. d'Hocquincourt nor any of the Generall Officers there 
present, had perform'd that part of their duty as they ought : But 
he absolutely refused it, saying, he came only there as a Volonteer, 

187 



CAMPAIGNS OF THE DUKE OF YORK 1654 

and thought it very unreasonable for him to pretend to share in 
any part of the honour of that day with them : that the ordering of 
their men belong[ed] wholly to them: and as for himself, that he 
had gain'd sufficient reputation in the defence he had made, and 
was now come out with no other intention then to serue those who 
had so bravely releeved him. 

It remains now that I relate what happened in our false attacks. 
As for those of M. de la Ferte, and M. d'Hocquincourt, they fol 
low 7 d their orders punctually, and no considerable accident befell 
them, but that the first had the best part of the plunder belonging 
to the Count of Fuensaldagnes quarter, which was the place ap 
pointed them for their false attack: But Monsr. de Turenne's had 
not so good fortune, M. de Tracy who commanded them, and 
who follow'd also very punctually his orders, having had a much 
different adventure: For being commanded to march without the 
least noise into a bottom which was within canon-shott of the 
Enemies line, and there to ly closs, without falling on, till some 
time after wee had begun our attack, which wee supposd that of 
necessity he must haue heard, it happend quite otherwise; because 
the wind proving contrary, and with all blowing fresh when wee 
began to storme the Line, he heard nothing of it. At last the day 
breaking, and no noise coming to him, he and all his men were 
verily perswaded that some accident had hindered our attack: 
however he resolved to stay in his post somewhat longer, and there 
he continued till he saw some horse coming out of the Line which 
he conjectured to be such as were sent abroad to make discoverys ; 
and presently after them a Squadron or two which he took to be 
the horse-guard coming to their accustom'd post, but seeing more 
still coming out, he concluded it was to fall on him as having dis- 
cover'd where he lay. Vpon which he orderd his two Battalions of 
foot, to Save themselves by marching to the Castle of Neufville 
vitas, which was close by them ; and himself with the horse took 
their way towards Bapaume. He had march'd a good part of his 
way thether, before he was sensible of his mistake, but the foot 
whom he left at the Castle were sooner undeceived, for most of the 
Lorraine horse and many out of the Pee of Conde's quarter drew 
off that way, it being their nearest passage to Cambray ; which our 
foot seeing, they commanded out the Aide-Majors of each Regimt 
with fifty men apeece, to skirmish with them as they past by. This 
188 



1654 CASUALTIES AT ARRAS 

they performed, but at length they advanced so far, that some of 
the Enemies horse gott in amongst them, and kill'd every man of 
that party. 

I will not take upon me to give an exact account of what num 
bers were slain on either side in this memorable action; But by 
what I saw myself of the bodies lying on the place, as well freinds 
as foes, I could not guesse them to be above four hundred. Wee 
had never a Generall Officer amongst that number, and I remem 
ber but one Collonell, M. de Puymarais, Colll of horse, a brave 
young gentleman, Son to Monsr, de Barr, one of our Lieut Genls, 
but very few Captains. It fell so heavy upon none as upon that 
Squadron of Eclinvilliers who had behav'd themselves so ill a day 
or two before, where Monsr. de la Ferte led up to charge when he 
was beaten : They were it seemes desirous to recover the reputa 
tion they had lost, and therfore charg'd so home, that the rest 
giving ground sooner then they, they were beaten worse, and I 
was inform'd most of their Officers kill'd upon the place. 

The number of our wounded men was not considerable: 
Monsr. de Turenne had a bruise, besides a shott upon his armes, 
and his horse shott under him. Monsr. de la Ferte had his horse 
kill'd. But of all our Genl Officers I remember not any hurt, ex 
cepting the Count de Broglio who was shott through the thigh; 
and of inferiour Officers the number was not great. The Volon- 
teers all escap'd well, excepting those who were with Mr. 
d'Humieres, who received so home a charge from one of the 
Enemies Squadrons, that the Marquis de Breuaute et la Clotte, 
two of them, were so desperatly wounded that they dyd after 
wards. Biscara and others of them were much hurt, as also the 
Cheualier de St G6 and severall Officers of his Regiment. 

On the Enemies' side the General Officers escap'd well, for I 
remember not to haue heard that any of them were hurt or taken, 
excepting the Baron de Briolle, one of the Pee of Conde's Mare- 
shalls de Camp, who was a very brave old gentleman; and who, 
tho he had the misfortune to be taken and wounded in fighting 
against his King, yet some days before he dyd of his hurts which 
he then received, show'd he was no Rebell in his heart, however 
accidentally he had been one: for Sending for his Son who had 
been made prisoner with him, he told him some houres before his 
death, by what inducements and in what manner he had been 

189 



CAMPAIGNS OF THE DUKE OF YORK 1654 

drawn into rebellion ; after which he commanded him on his bless* 
ing, never to be seduced again, on what pretence soever, to take up 
armes against his Soveraign. Vpon which admonition of a dying 
Father the young man so heartily repented, that he prov'd him 
self both a loyall Subject, and a dutifull Son : Vpon which account 
he was sett free, 

I can not be exact in the number of the prisoners : but it was 
comonly reported that they were about three thousand. And I am 
apt to beleeve the account was true, for fifteen hundred of the Lor 
raine foot were all taken together in an envelope which was in 
their quarter. Wee found about sixty three brass cannon of all 
sorts within the Line, and all things proportionable for so great a 
Train. As for their baggage, they lost it all, amongst which our 
Soldiers found good plunder, the General Officers in those Coun- 
trys being all serv'd in plate, and every one obliged to haue a con 
siderable quantity of baggage, because it was impossible to sub 
sist without it in such Armies : And to shew in what Vast propor 
tion they use to be furnished, some few days after this, when our 
Army passed over the Escaut below Cambray, it was commonly 
reported by some who pretended to haue reckoned the number, 
that wee had above seaven thousand waggons and carts attending 
us, our Army at that time not consisting of many more then 
twenty thousand men ; tho when wee were all together at forceing 
of the Lines, wee were about fourteen thousand foot, eleven 
thousand horse, and four hundred Dragoons. 

The day after wee had thus releeved our Town, I was sent with 
two thousand horse to Perone where the Court then was, to con 
voy it to Arras, where they continued for some few days ; During 
which time our Army camp'd within the Lines of the Enemy, our 
men making use of their hutts, and finding their quarters so well 
furnish'd with forage, that wee never sent out for any, while wee 
stayd upon the place. 

On the last of August wee march'd towards Cambray and 
camp'd at Sauchy-Cauchy, and at the same time the Court re- 
turn'd to Peronne. On the 3d of September wee march' d to Thun 13 
St Martin, which stands on the Escaut, and there pass'd it on 
bridges which wee made, advancing the next day as far as Saulsoy, 
which is the midway betwixt Cambray and Valenciennes ; And the 

13 Tlmyn St. Martin (MS., p. 162). 
190 



1654 THE SURRENDER OF QUESNOY 

next day they came to Kircurayn, 14 (Kievraiii) which is two good 
leagues short of St Guilain. The 6th wee fell back upon Quesnoy, 
a Town situate between Valenciennes and Landrecies; in which 
place tho there was a Governour, yet he had no considerable garri 
son. The Town of itself was not Strong, the outworks having been 
demolish'd after the Spanish fashion, which is only enough to 
hinder them from being defended, but with all so litle slighted, 
that they may be repair'd with ease, and put into as good condition 
as before. This place was surrendered to us, the day after wee came 
before it. It was no sooner in our hands but wee employd our 
selves in repairing the old out-works, and raising new where they 
were wanting. 

Some few days after, leaving a strong garrison in Quesnoy wee 
march'd to Bavay, and so to Binche on the 1 1 th. The Town last 
mention'd lyes two or three leagues wide of Mons, and is of equall 
distance with Mons from Brussels. Binche was deliver'd to us on 
the same day wee came before it. Here wee stayd till the 22, only 
to eat up the Enemies* Country, and give leisure to our men in 
Quesnoy to fortify themselves. 

During this march Monsr. de Turenne, who was then our 
Sole Generall, the other two Mareshalls having left the Army 
when wee left Arras, gave more employment to the Lieut. Gener- 
alls, then they were used to haue: for before this time none but he 
whose turn it was, had any thing in particular to do, more then to 
attend the Generall ; but he now order'd, that as he whose day it 
was, march'd at the head of the horse which had the Van, so also 
he who had been releeved, should march at the head of the Foot, 
and he who went out before him, at the head of the other wing of 
horse which had the Reer; so that every day there were three 
Lieutenant Generalls on duty. And he found so great ease and 
benefit by this new order, that during all the time I continued 
afterwards in the French Seruice, he kept it up. And he further 
directed them, that whensoever they came to any brook or defile, 
they should not stay till those before them were passed over, but 
make a passage for themselves, on the one hand, or on the other, 
keeping still the Van betwixt them, and that side on which the 
Enemy might come: by which means he was inabled to make 
greater marches; for generally after this, observing the method 
14 Keurain (MS., p. 162), 

191 



CAMPAIGNS OF THE DUKE OF YORK 1654 

above mentioned, wee pass'd over the defiles at once in three 
places. 

In the time of this march the Enemys Cravats 15 were very busy 
about us, so that it was not safe for any man to straggle, thd never 
so litle, from the body of the Army. And sometimes they would 
get up by two or three in a Company into our Army, and when 
they found their opportunity, take some or other, and carry him 
away: One of them was once so bold, as to put himself into the 
rancks of the first Squadron of the Reer of horse, at the head of 
which I march'd. I remember that immediatly after I had pass'd a 
defile, and through some bushes, which were on the other side of 
it, hearing a noise in the Squadron behind me, I turn'd about to 
ask the reason of it; when some of my Soldiers brought before me 
a Cravat, who had placed himself in the midmost ranck of that 
Squadron, as if he had been a Trooper belonging to the Regiment, 
and was so unfortunate to put himself the very next man to one, 
whom he had taken some few days before, being also at that very 
time mounted on the horse which he had then taken from him: 
But he was soon discovered by the Trooper, who therupon calld 
out aloud, This is he who tooke me prisoner some days since, and 
this is my horse on which he rides. He layd hold on him immedi 
atly and brought him to me. The fellow confessed, that himself 
and some others of his Camarades, the Cravats, had put them 
selves in ambuscade behind those bushes which I had newly 
pass'd, and had resolved to disperse and mingle with the Army: 
That had it not been his misfortune so to haue placed himself as to 
be discover'd, he was confident that before night he had taken a 
prisoner, instead of being one himself. 

In this our march I know it was wonder'd at by some, that so 
considerable and victorious an Army as ours then was, should un 
dertake no Seige of consequence that Year; But if they had con 
sider 'd, how far the season of a Campagne was then declin'd, and 

15 From the French 'cravate', a Croat or Croatian. They were Croatian mer 
cenaries, light-armed cavalry in this instance and probably as a rule. The first example 
of the use of the word In English, cited in the Oxford English Dictionary, is from the 
London Gazette, No. 3903/2 (1703): 'Monsieur de Quiche, Colonel- General of the 
Regiments of Horse called the Cravates.' Defoe (Memoirs of a Cavalier, 1721) spells 
the word 'Crabats 5 . The article of neckwear known as a Cravat was first adopted in 
France f in imitation of the linen scarf worn round their necks by the Croatian mer 
cenaries', says the O.E.D. 

192 



1654 THE IMPORTANCE OF gUESNOY 

that wee were not furnish'd with provisions of any sorte for a great 
undertaking, they could not haue thought it strange, that wee con 
tented ourselves with taking of Quesnoy; for tho that Town of 
itself was not very considerable, yet It was of great advantage to 
us for the carrying on of our designs in the next Campagne : for 
Monsr. de Turenne, even thus early, had contrived the business 
of the next year. And tho it was a bold undertaking to make good 
that place, seated as it was in the very midst of the Spanish garri 
sons, yet our fortifying it, renderd his designs for the ensuing year 
more easy to be compass'd, and in particular the taking of Landre- 
cies, of which I shall say more in its proper place: So that in reality 
the taking and making good this Town, was of more consequence 
to us, then any other Town which wee could haue master 'd at that 
Season of the year. 

While wee stay'd at Binche, the Enemy drew together their 
baffled Army at Mons, sheltering themselves under favour of the 
Town, and endeavouring by their partys to molest our foragers. 
But such was the vigilance and conduct of our Generall, that they 
did us title harm; tho their Cravats were still plying about us, and 
laying many ambuscades with small success: Yet one day I re 
member, they miss'd but narrowly of taking an advanced guard, 
with Mr. d'Humieres, and severall Officers of the guard in my 
company. Being come up to that post, wee saw a party of the 
Enemys horse about our own number, coming out from a wood, 
which was on our left hand, towards us ; but when they were at the 
distance of half canon-shott, they turn'd off again as if they were 
affraid of being follow' d : wherupon some of the Officers proposed 
to me, that I should pursue, and push them; Monsr. d'Humieres 
and some few with him, who were somewhat advanced before the 
rest, began immediatly to gallop after them; which been (being) 
seen by those about me, they spurr'd on eagerly, and left me, 
without receiving my answer whether or not I would approve it. 
At this I put on my horse to his full speed, and got to the head of 
the formost: It was all I could do to stop their rashness, and they 
grumbled sufficiently, that I had hinder'd them from taking the 
whole party, But I told them, I was as morally certain as I could 
be of any thing, that by stopping them I had preserv'd them from 
some ambuscade, and that I could not beleeve the Enemy would 
haue come so near us, but out of design to decoy us into some in- 

193 



CAMPAIGNS OF THE DUKE OF YORK 1654 

conveniency. My opinion prov'd true, for no sooner had I stop'd 
my men, but the Enemy turn'd about and fac'd us, offering to 
draw us on by skirmishing ; But when they saw that they could in 
veigle us no farther, they march'd away towards Mons: Imme- 
diatly after which I saw two hundred horse go off, which had hidd 
themselves in a litle bottom behind a wood not far distant, and 
thether it was that the first party had designed to haue drawn us. 
Upon which discovery both Monsr. d'Humieres, and the rest of 
the Officers thank'd me for preventing their pursuite: for had 
they gone forward, in all probability most of them must haue been 
taken, because our main-guard, which was posted on the other 
side of the brook, could not haue releeved them time enough; the 
defile over the brook and afterwards through the Village, on the 
other side of which the advanced guard was placed, being so great, 
that the Action had been past, before their friends could haue 
come up to their assistance. 

After wee had stayd at Binche about ten days, and eaten up all 
the forage of the neighbouring Country, Monsr. de Turenne 
thought it was now high time for him, to draw back towards 
Quesnoy, before the falling of the rains which would haue made 
the ways troublesome for our canon, and so vast a quantity of bag 
gage as wee had then in our Army. 

Having taken this resolution he chose to return by the way of 
Maubeuge, because the Country betwixt that place and Binche 
was more open and had fewer defiles then the direct way to Bavay. 
And besides this consideration he had another full as prevalent, 
which was, that the Spanish Army lay then at Mons ; so that in 
case he should haue taken his march by them, he must haue had 
no less an Enemy then the Prince of Cond6 in his way, before 
whom there was no making a false step ; and wee could not but 
expect to haue him on our wings, in our drawing off, and watching 
all opportunitys of the least advantage which should be offer'd to 
him. 

Monsr. de Turenne therfore to avoid an affront on his first 
days march, which was the 22d of September, sent off all the bag 
gage at break of day, with about six or eight Squadrons of horse, 
and M. de la Fert^'s Dragoons, which march'd at their head, or 
on their flancks, as occasion offer'd. They were no sooner in their 
way, but he follow'd the Reer of them with his Van, and that he 

194 



r<554 TURENNE'S ORDER OF MARCH 

might be the less expos'd to any attempt, he march'd in a closer 
order then he formerly had used, as by the draught of It may more 
easily be seen. Here the draught * * * 16 

Yet he so managed it, that he could suddainly put himself into his 
ordinary forme of battell, and that without the least confusion; for 
upon the right hand of all march'd the first Line of that wing 
which had the Van that day, upon their left hand half of the first 
Line of foot; Again on their left hand the second Line of horse of 
that wing which had the Van; and on their left hand, the other 
half of the first Line of foot: And so after the same manner on their 
left hand, the other wing of horse, and the second Line of foot; 
and on the left hand of all, the reserue of horse; so that wee march'd 
with four Battalions and five Squadrons of horse afront, Each file 
consisting of* * * Battalions and * * * 17 Squadrons. In this order 
wee march'd with our greatest cannon in the Van, and some few 
small pieces in the Reer, and as wee came to any pass or defile, the 
Reer faced about with their feild pieces, while the Van past over; 
which when they had done, then they drew up on the other side, 
and faced about also, leaving sufficient space for the rest of those 
who were to follow them, to draw up after they had pass'd: In 
this maner they continued, till all were come over to them, and 
then the whole body began to march again. 

By that time wee had march'd above a league, wee discover'd 
about fourty Squadrons of the Enemies horse coming towards us 
on our right hand : The main-body of them came not within can- 
non-shott of us, keeping still a narow brook betwixt us and them, 
and only sending over it their Cravats, with a Squadron or two of 
horse to second them. The Cravats came so very near us, that 
severall of our Foot just stepping out of their rancks, fir'd on them 
betwixt the Intervals of the horse, which having done, they re- 
turn'd into their order. Thus they march'd along by us, skirmish 
ing, and wee never making any stop for them. They follow'd us 
till they came to a pass not far distant from Maubeuge, expecting 
still to find an opportunity of doing some execution on us. But 

16 James had probably intended here to insert a sketch, showing how the troops 
marched. The translator began by writing 'comme on pent le voir par le plan*, then 
deleted these words in the MS. (p. 167) and went ahead as below. 

17 There are similar blanks in the MS. (pp. 167, 168). 



CAMPAIGNS OF THE DUKE OF YORK 1654 

our Generall was so carefull, and order'd his march with so much 
caution, that tho the Prince of Conde himself was at the head of 
those Squadrons, he was never able to fasten one charge upon us, 
or to put any of our horse into the least disorder; neither indeed 
were they in any liklyhood of doing it, unless it were once, and 
that was at the pass I mention'd near Maubeuge. Att that place 
they press'd a litle on our last troopes in their going over; but 
seeing our men turn'd so readily upon them, and in so good order, 
they thought it not expedient to charge them, but after having 
thus tasted them, suffer'd them to draw off quietly: By this time 
they found it was to no purpose to follow us any farther, for they 
durst not adventure to pass the defile after us, for fear of exposing 
themselves too much, and therfore march'd back towards their 
own Camp, while wee continued our way to Maubeuge. 

It was dark night before wee got thether, and th5 our Camp was 
mark'd out to us betwixt the woods and the Town, yet what 
through the darknes, and what by confusion in which wee found 
our baggage, and more them (than) both by the straightness of the 
ground betwixt the Town and woods, none of our troopes could 
find out their appointed quarters; so that they fell into a very 
great disorder, and were so intangled amongst the baggage, that 
Monsr. de Turenne could not possibly disengage them, or bring 
them into order. At last finding there was no remedy for the con 
fusion, he got together two or three battalions of foot, and plac r d 
them without all our baggage, in that side on which the Enemy 
might possibly haue come. He stayd with them all night in per 
son, and so soon as it was broad day light drew up the Army again 
into good order, and that day being the 23d of September wee 
march'd to Bavay. 

In our going thether, the whole Regiment of the Enemies Cra 
vats pursu'd a small party of ours to the very Van of the Army, 
and came so near us, before they were aware of it, that all of them 
were in danger of being taken: for our first two Squadrons dis 
banded after them, and follow'd them so close, that they had no 
other way for their Escape then to gain the shelter of the woods; 
many of them being forced to quitt their horses for their own pre- 
seruation : And truly, I beleeve, they lost more men and horses on 
that occasion, then ever at any time before or since. 

At our arrivall at Bavay wee demolisht the walls of that litle 
196 



1654 CONVOYS IN DANGER 

Town, the inhabitants wherof had abandon'd it the first time wee 
camp'd by it. It had four Roman ways mett in it, and being not 
above three or four leagues from Quesnoy, it might haue been 
very troublesome to that garrison, and disturbed them in raising 
their contributions, if the Enemy had put any troopes in it during 
the winter. 

From Bavay wee march'd the next day to Baudignies, and 
camp'd close by the Quesnoy. There wee stayd till the 28th, and 
then march'd to Chateau Cambresis, after wee had consumed the 
forage therabouts. During the time of our abode there, the workes 
of the Quesnoy were so far advanced, and the place so well fur- 
nish'd with all kinds of stores and other necessaries, that the win 
ter now coming on apace, it would haue prov'd too difficult a 
peice of work for the Enemy to undertake, after wee were drawn 
off into our winter quarters. 

While wee continued at Chateau en Cambresis, one of our Con 
voys of forage was like to haue been defeated, and was so near it, 
that the Count de Renel, a Collonel who commanded it, was made 
prisoner at the first charge, in leading up the foremost Squadrons 
which were broken by the Enemy; and had not the remaining 
horse, which were of the old Regiments, as namely, la Valette, 
Grammont, and others, after that, done their part with great 
bravery, they had been cutt off intirely and all our foragers ex- 
pos'd: But notwithstanding that they saw their Commander 
taken, and their first Squadrons routed, they advanced upon the 
Enemy and forced them to draw off, without any further attempt; 
after which they march'd away with the foragers to our Camp, 
without having lost any of them. The Party of the Enemy which 
made this onsett, came from Cambray, and, as I was inform' d, 
consisted of eight Squadrons of horse, ours were about the same 
number; and had the Enemy improved their first advantage, they 
must certainly haue beaten the whole party, and taken as many of 
our foragers as they could haue driven away with them. 

This adventure obliged Mr. de Turenne to be more cautious 
afterwards in his forages, and to send out Stronger Convoys with 
them. Two or three days after this accident, when they went 
abroad again, he himself went along with them to the same place 
where the Count de Renel had been taken, but with a much 
stronger Convoy; for he took with him above twenty Squadrons of 

197 



CAMPAIGNS OF THE DUKE OF YORK 1654 

horse, two Battalions of foot, and about four feild peices, suppos 
ing the Enemy would now come stronger out upon our foragers 
then formerly, and he was not deceived in his conjecture : for some 
time after he had posted his troopes for the best security of his 
foragers, wee saw about six Squadrons of the Enemy coming out 
of a wood which was close by us, and where they had been in am 
buscade. They cam on at a round gallop, as if they would haue 
fallen on two or three Squadrons of our Gendarmes, who were 
drawn up in a litle bottom betwixt the wood, and a Village where 
many of our foragers were at that time loading their horses : On 
one side of this Village was Monsr. de Turenne himself with the 
greatest part of the horse, and one battalion of foot; but, there 
being a small pass betwixt us and the place where the Gendarmes 
were posted, which were commanded by Monsr. de Schomberg, 
had the Enemy push'd on vigourously, they might haue routed 
him, before wee could haue come to his releif : he therefore, con 
sidering the danger in which he was, found there was no way of 
saving himself, but only by a bold action; and accordingly ad 
vanced towards the Enemy, who seeing him come up to charge 
them, and not being able to discern what was in the bottom from 
whence he came, in all probability imagined he had more behind 
to second him, for immediatly they withdrew into the wood again : 
he was very glad of their retreat, as he had reason, and stopt short 
upon the litle higth where he then was, without offering to follow 
them, because he was not strong enough, besides he knew not 
what other troopes they might haue, either within the wood or 
behind it. There he stayd, more horse being sent from us to 
strengthen him, till our foragers were all loaded, and that wee 
began to draw off; which wee did without seeing any other Enemy 
appear. 

Even after this wee sent such strong Convoys with our Fora 
gers, that for the rest of the Campagne the Enemy made not any 
attempt upon them: And wee were full as carefull of the Convoys 
which wee sent to the Quesnoy with provisions, for all of them 
were so well guarded, that the Spaniards thought it not for their 
advantage to sett upon them. 

The last that went thether while wee stayd at Chateau en Cam- 
bresis, was commanded by me, after which wee march'd into 
forage-quarters, and spent some weeks upon the fronteers. There 

198 



1654 WINTER QUARTERS 

wee took two Castles, one call'd d'Anvillers, and the other Giron- 
delle not far from Rocroy, which wee demolished : And then it was 
time for us to march into our winter quarters, the cold season be 
ing so far advanced that it was become too late that year for the 
Enemy to attempt anything upon the Quesnoy, 18 



18 The entry in Campagnes (p. 172) stops at this point. In the Life (I, 243-244) 
there are two additional paragraphs as follows: 

'The Campagne of 1654 being thus ended, His Royall Highness repair'd as 
formerly to the French Court at Paris, where he arrived about the middle of Decem 
ber, and there spent the remaining part of the winter; Towards the end of which his 
brother the Duke of Gloucester took his leave of him, the King his brother having 
sent My Lord of Ormonde on purpose to bring him to him at Colen. 

*The summer following his Royal Highness went to make his fourth and last Cam 
pagne in France, of which he gives the following account in his Memoires.' 

This is followed by the entry for 1655, which I reprint below. 

The reader will at once notice the contrast between the regular syntax and correct 
orthography of this passage, which comes presumably from the pen of William Dic- 
conson, and the rambling, irregular syntax and fantastic spelling (incorrect even in an 
age when orthography was not yet fixed) of the passages in the first person which have 
been copied from James's own memoirs copied with, as I presume, an accuracy as 
unsparing as it is no doubt faithful. 

199 



THE DUKE'S FOURTH AND LAST 
CAMPAIGN IN FRANCE 

THIS Campagne of 1655 began with putting in execution 
what was design'd the year before, when wee took and forti 
fied Quesnoy ; for wee open'd it with the Siege of Landrecies, and 
then our Army found the benefit of having that place to freind. 1 
For immediatly after they sat down before Landrecies, the Enemy 
came and posted themselves betwixt that Town and Guise, there 
by to hinder all communication betwixt our Army and our own 
Country; so that had not this been timely foreseen, and their de 
sign frustrated by our laying up a magazine of all necessarys in 
Quesnoy, sufficient for the carrying on of that Seige, Monsn de 
Turenne must haue been put to great extremities ; Wheras he was 
now so much before hand with the Spaniards, that the post which 
they had taken up, was of small advantage to them, and no man 
ner of hindrance to the French in pursuance of their Seige, con 
voys passing every day with great ease and security from Quesnoy 
to the Camp: So that no other inconvenience followed from the 
Enemies being posted near Guise, then that it hindered some 
Officers and Volonteers from getting into the Army, while the 
Seige lasted, whose affaires had hinder'd them from marching 
with it, when it came before the Town. 

Of this number I was one ; for which reason I shall not give a 
particular description of that Seige: Most of us who came short, 
and could not joyn our Army time enough, were either at Guise or 
la Fere while this Seige continued; I was myself at the last of these 
places, expecting the opportunity of some Convoy to favour my 

* Reprinted from the Life, ed. Clarke, I, 245-264, for the reason indicated in 
connection with the entries for 1653 and 1654 above. I have not however repro 
duced the last three paragraphs (pp. 264-266), because these are summarised in the 
first paragraph for 1656 in the French MS. 

1 More concise in the MS. Campagnes (p. 173). 
2OO 



1655 THE SIEGE OF LANDRECIES 

desire of being present at the Seige ; but the Spanish Army was so 
posted in our neighbourhood, that the passage was render'd too 
difficult for any of us to attempt. Monsr. de la Feuillade, with two 
or three officers and a small party of horse, ventur'd to haue pass'd, 
but they were mett by the Enemy and beaten, la Feuillade him 
self being taken and desperatly wounded. This ill success of his, 
so far discourag'd all of us, that wee layd aside the thought of it; 
so that till the Enemy drew off, which was a day or two before the 
surrender of the Town, wee came not to our Army. 

This Seige was a very favourable one to our Soldiers; those of 
the Town contenting themselves with a bare defence, according 
to the ordinary formes, and not making any vigourous Sallys 
during the whole time it lasted; so that wee lost as few men, as 
could possibly be expected, in the mastering of such a place, and 
no officer of note but Monsr. de Tracy, who had the Command of 
all the German horse, as being the eldest Collonel of them. The 
Garrison held out only, till a breach was made by a Mine in the 
face of one of their Bastions, and a lodgment made upon it, after 
which they capitulated and Surrendered. 

After the Town was deliver'd up to us, our Army stayd by it 
some days to repair the breaches and outworks, and to slight our 
Line of Circumvallation ; and the Enemy drew back into their 
own Country betwixt Mons and Valenciennes behind the Rivers, 
not thinking themselves strong enough, as indeed they were not, 
to hazard a battell with us on equall termes ; So that their business 
was to attend our motions, and endeavour to hinder our under 
taking any other considerable Seige* 

And now by that time wee were in a readiness to march, the 
King and the Cardinal came to the Army, and wee march'd down 
along by the Sambre, as far as la Bussiere, which is within a league 
of Thuyn, a small Town belonging to the Pays de Liege. Having 
spent some time in this march, and stayd a day or two at la Bus- 
siere, wee march'd back, and passing by Avgnes invested la 
Capelle; and tho wee camp'd within a league or two of it with our 
whole Army, yet on better consideration wee did not beseige it, as 
not judging it a place of so great importance, that our Army 
should lose so much time as was necessary to reduce it. And ther- 
fore leaving it, wee pass'd the Sambre, advancing into Haynault 
as far as Bavay on the 1 1 of August. The Town I last mention'd 

201 



CAMPAIGNS OF THE DUKE OF YORK 1655 

is betwixt Quesnoy and Mons ; and our intentions were to advance 
yet farther into the Enemie's Country, and to pass the Haisne, a 
litle River which coining from Mons, takes its course by St Guis- 
lain, and falls into the Schald 2 at Conde: But sending to view the 
passages upon it, wee found that the Enemy had fortifyd the 
River from St Guislain as far as Conde, with a very strong Brest- 
work and Redouts, with platformes ready made in them at the 
distance of every three or four hundred paces ; which together 
with the difficulty of approaching the River itself, by reason of the 
lowness of the Country, which was full of ditches, and there being 
no way to come to the River but along narrow dikes, made the 
passage very hard to be forced. Which notwithstanding, in a con 
sultation that was held in the King's presence, where were assist 
ing the Cardinal and the two Generalls, Mr. de Turenne and Mr. 
de la Ferte, together with the Mareshalls de Villeroy, de Gram- 
mont, du Plessis, and myself, it was once upon the point of being 
resolved, that wee should attempt to force our passage au Pont de 
Haisne; And had it not been for Mr. de Turenne, that opinion 
had taken place: for the Cardinal hauing propos'd it as an under 
taking which would be of high reputation in the world, if wee 
could make a way over a River in the face of a formidable Army, 
he was seconded and his advice confirm'd by most who were there 
present, whither out of complaisance, or by the force of his rea 
sons, 3 I shall not pretend to judge; but resolv'd on, it had been, 
had not Mr. de Turenne oppos'd it, by representing the great 
difficulties which would be found in that attempt. 

For, said he, Besides that the whole River is strongly fortifyed 
all along, there is no approaching it but by the side of a Dike, by 
reason that all the ground of our side is full of ditches, so that the 
Enemy would haue a double advantage over us ; and tho at last, I 
beleeve, wee may force our passage, wee should unavoidably loose 
many men in compassing our design : he added, That it was not 

2 The Scheldt. James elsewhere calls it by its French name of Escaut. This descrip 
tion of the Haine is omitted in the MS. Campagnes (p. 175). 

3 James or his translator ascribes this, not to Mazarin's arguments, but to 
Turenne's. Thus the text of the MS. Camfagnes reads (p. 176): 'Mais les sentiments 
de Mr. de Turenne qui etoit contre cette entreprise, prevalut, soit par la complaisance 
qu'on eut pour luy, soit par la force de ses raisonnements. II en fit voir les difficultez. 
. . . ' It seems more likely that the text of the Life (I, 247-248) gives the accurate 
account, and that in this Council it was Mazarin's opinion which so far impressed the 
others that it nearly prevailed. 

202 



1655 TURENXE PREVAILS IN COUNCIL 

this consideration alone, which mov'd him to disuade that under 
taking, but the beleef he had, that the thing wee aim'd at, might be 
effected without running So great a hazard, or venturing the lives 
of so many Soldiers ; That instead of our endeavouring to force a 
passage there, wee should rather march, and pass the Escaut 
somewhat below Bouchain, and then passing by Valenciennes and 
leaving it on our right hand, should march to Conde, and there 
pass the Escaut again; That in so doing, wee should take the 
Enemy on the fianck, and therby render that great intrenchment 
of no effect to them. 

With these and other arguments he convinced the Cardinal, 
and all those of the Councill who had abetted his opinion : And 
in pursuance of M. de Turenne's proposal!, wee march'd imme- 
diatly from Bavay towards Bouchain, upon notice of which the 
Enemy march'd also toward Valenciennes, and posted themselves 
very advantageously, having their Right cover'd by the woods of 
St Amand, and their left by the Town, and the old Line ready 
made to their hands, upon Mont Azin, from the woods to the 
Town; and instead of endeavouring to hinder our passing the 
River, they fell on repairing the old Line, which by the next 
morning was put into very good defence; which whilst they were 
a doing, wee past the River on our bridges of boates, and by eight 
next morning, being the I4th, pass'd over our whole Army, leav 
ing some few troopes behind to secure our baggage from the 
garrison of Bouchain. 

I have been since inform'd by some of the Enemys own Offi 
cers, who were then upon the place, that they came thither with an 
intention of making good that post, for upon the proposall of that 
march, the Prince of Conde oppos'd it, unless they would abso 
lutely resolve to maintain it when they were once there; telling 
them plainly, That he would not stirr a step, unless the Spaniards 
would ingage their promise to do this: They gave him all the 
assurances he could desire : Yet he foretold them, that in that post, 
wee should certainly come upon them, and then it would be too 
late to think of retiring, by which they would expose their whole 
Army to be beaten, But whatever arguments he urg'd were not 
sufficient to divert them, for march they would; but at the same 
time they confirmed their promise to him, of making good that 
Post: So wee found them there. 

203 



CAMPAIGNS OF THE DUKE OF YORK 1655 

And now our Partys having brought us word how they were 
posted, as soon as wee could put our troopes in battell, wee 
march'd towards them; and being come within a league of them, 
seeing they were well intrenched on that advantageous post, wee 
halted till our canon and ammunition, which were somewhat be 
hind, could come up to us. During this our stay, Monsieur de 
Turenne went with a Squadron or two, to view their Line, ad 
vancing till he came within cannon shott, and then they fir'd at 
him with their great guns; which confirmed him in the beleef, 
that they would maintain their post : upon which he commanded 
Mr. de Castelnau with his Camp-Volant, which consisted (of) 
about twelve Squadrons and two or three Battalions, to march, and 
post himself on the Enemys right hand on the high way which 
comes from St Amand ; that at the same time wee should attack 
their front, he might see what could be done upon their flanck. 

No sooner was Castlenau gott thether, but he perceived the 
Enemy was drawing off towards Conde, of which (he] immediatly 
advertised M. de Turenne; who order'd him to press upon their 
Reer, and by that means retard, if possibly he could, their march, 
till he could come up himself with the body of the Army : and till 
wee receiv'd that advice which wee had from Mr. de Castelnau, 
wee perceived nothing of the Enemys retreat; neither indeed 
could wee by reason of the ground; their Line being, as I have 
said before, upon a heigth, so that wee could only discover such 
troopes as they would shew us. 

It seems that so soon as the Arch Duke, and the Count de 
Fuensaldagne were inform'd that our whole Army was past the 
River, and that they saw us marching up towards them, they re 
pented themselves of being So far ingaged ; and, as the Prince of 
Conde had foretold them, resolv'd to march back to Conde, and 
there to pass the River. This resolution they took without con 
sulting him, so that the first notice he had of it, was by an Adju 
tant, who brought him word, that the Arch Duke was marching 
away, and desir'd him to bring up the Reer, and make good the 
retreat, tho it was the turn of the Spaniards to haue done it: And 
that they might haue as litle disorder as they could, they sent their 
great canon into Valenciennes, and only carryed off with them 
their small feild peeces. 

Had Monsr. de Castelnau done his part as he ought according 
204 



1655 T HE PRINCE OF CONBfi ESCAPES DEFEAT 

to his orders, and also as he might, the Prince of Cond& would 
haue been reduced to great extremitys: Tis true he fail'd not in 
point of courage, but meerly in conduct, for he was so hasty that 
coming to the Pont de Beuerage (where runs a brook which 
coming from the woods falls into the Escaut on the other side of 
Valenciennes, where Monsr, de Marsin was posted with severall 
Squadrons and some Dragoons) he would not stay for his foot, 
but endeavour 'd with his horse alone to haue forced the pass upon 
him, and charg'd over the bridge twice or thrice, tho he was still 
beaten with some losse, and at last was forced to Stay till his foot 
were advanced to him; who were longer in coming up then they 
needed to haue been, by reason that all his horse were gott before 
them into the way. But so soon as the Enemy discover'd his foot 
advancing, they immediatly drew off, and left the bridge free for 
him to pass over, which he did. And by this time, Monsr. de 
Turenne was come up with his Van, to the Reer of Mr. de Castel- 
nau's troopes, and sent severall Messengers to him with orders, 
that he should press the Enemy as much as possibly he could, 
therby to hinder their march, that he might come up with them in 
their retreat: But Castelnau performed not what was expected of 
him, suffering himself to be overreach'd by some of the Prince his 
Officers, who bringing up the Reer of their Army and seeing M. 
de Castelnau advance before his troopes, ask'd to speak with him 
upon parole ; To which he consenting, because they were of old 
acquaintance, he ordered his men at the same time to halt a litle, 
while they were passing their compliments: Mean while the 
Prince of Conde commanded his men to make what hast they 
could, to secure themselves by getting off; and so amused 4 our 
Lieut Genii, 5 till a man whom they had left on the top of a rising 
ground, which was behind them, made a signe to them, and then 
they took their leave immediatly of Castelnau, and gallop'd after 
their troopes : By this means they gain'd so much time, that they 
pass'd the River, before our men could come up with them again. 
Soon after this, Monsr. de Turenne arrived at the place where 
Castelnau had drawn up his men, within canon-shott of the River, 
and saw the Enemys Army drawn up on the other Side of the 

4 i.e., beguiled. 

5 'et Castelnau fiit pris pour duppe' (MS. Campagnes, p. 179). James is rather 
more severe in the French MS. than in what we presume to be his own Memoirs. 

205 



CAMPAIGNS OF THE DUKE OF YORK 1655 

River by Cond6: And then Monsr. de Castelnau gave Monsr. de 
Turenne an account of what had past, and added. That the last 
Squadron of the Enemys horse were forced to swimm the River to 
Save themselves: This mistake of his caused some Sharpnesse 
more then ordinary between the Prince and Monsr. de Turenne, 
by an accident which happened some days after as the Reader will 
find in the following account. 

The Enemy had no Sooner past over the River, but they broke 
the bridges, so that they were in a further danger, and, as I re 
member, march'd the same afternoon for Tournay. Wee quar- 
ter'd that night at Frane, closs by Conde, and the next morning 
fell to making our bridges over the River, about a league below 
the Town; intending so soon as they should be finished to attack 
that place. At first it was resolved that only Mr. de Castelnau and 
Mr. d'Vxelles, with the troopes which they commanded, should 
be employd to take the Town, while the two Mareshalls, with the 
rest of the Army, should cover them from any attempt from the 
Army of the Spaniards. And so they began to make their ap 
proaches to the Town; But the very first night they found so 
vigourous a resistance from the Defendants, whose workes indeed 
were very slight, but lin'd with great numbers of men within 
them, that it was found too hard a taske for them alone to under 
take, 

Of this the two Mareshalls being advertis'd, they came them 
selves, and carryd on one of the attaques, leaving the other to the 
conduct of the two foremen tion'd Lieutenant Generalls. And here 
wee found a very favourable shelter, from the houses of a small 
fauxbourg which was before the gate: for tho the Enemy had 
burnt it, yet not haueing time to pluck down the walls, it proved 
beneficial to us; for from thence wee began our Trenches, which 
was but litle above half musket shott from the Town. The first 
night of their being open'd at our attack, they were mounted by 
a Battalion of the Guards commanded by Vautourneux, the eldest 
Captain of these ten Companies; and at the Lieutenant GeneralFs 
attack was the Regiment of* * *. 6 

That night wee made a very good (attacK) at both places ; yet 
wee lost betwixt three or four hundred men at those two attacks, 
of which number were Severall Officers. At our approche wee lost 

8 There is a similar bknk in the MS. Campagnes (p. 1 8 1). 
206 



1655 THE SIEGE OF CONDfi 

Monsr. de Vautourneux, who seeing one Captain LLloyd (a 
Welshman and an Engeneer, who had been bred up under the 
Prince of Orange and was a stout colerick man) 7 coming back 
from the Trenches after he had performed his duty, traced out the 
work, and sett the workmen upon their imployment, ask'd him, 
why he returned so soon? Saying withall, That he was certain he 
could haue not performed all he had to do in so short a time ; after 
which he let fall some words, as if he doubted of his courage : At 
which the Engeneer was so incensed, that it made his Welsh blood 
boyle with him; So that he told Vautourneux, That if he pleas'd to 
go and look upon what he had trac'd out, he should find he had 
not been wanting in any part of his duty. Vpon this they both 
went together to view it, and the shott from the Enemy flew so 
fast, that Vautourneux was kill'd before he could get to the head 
of the workmen, and Captain LLloyd shott through the head. 

The next night a Battalion of Suisses had the guard of the 
Trenches at one attack, and the Regiment de * * * at the other, 
both which attacks carryd on their Trenches within pistoll shott 
of the Town : that night wee lost at least as many men as the 
former. The third night, an other Battalion of the frech Guards re- 
leeved the Suisses at our attack, and the regiment de * * * 8 at the 
Lieut GeneralPs. That night at our attack, there happen'd a very 
great mistake, which caus'd the loss of many men : It was the turn 
of Monsr. de la Ferte to be in the Trenches, who coming in the 
Evening to take a view of what had been perform'd there, and to 
resolve what was to be farther done, supposed that he was now 
neer enough to endeavour to make a lodgment against the palli- 
sades, which both he and all the Officers concluded to be without 
the ditch on the very edge of it; And accordingly, he order'd his 
men to lodge themselves at the foot of them, which so soon as it 
was dark, they attempted to haue done : but when they came to 
the ditch, they found the pallisades were not before it, but upon 
the barme, which, notwithstanding, they pass'd the ditch which 
was but shallow, and not broad, in obedience to their orders, and 
endeavour'd to haue lodged themselves at the foot of the pallisades 
upon the barme, which they disputed so long, that they lost a con 
siderable number both of Soldiers and Officers; and at last were 

7 *a stout colerick man'-not translated in the French. MS. (p. 1 8 1). 

8 There are similar blanks in the MS. Campagxes (p. 182). 

207 



CAMPAIGNS OF THE DUKE OF YORK 1655 

constraint to draw off, and content themselves only with carrying 
on their Trench to the edge of the ditch. And here it is not to be 
wonder'd at, that this mistake was made; for the ditch, as I said, 
being narrow, and it being generally the Custom, that the palli- 
sades were placed without it, they took it for granted, that so they 
were: to which I might add, that it was exceeding difficult to the 
eye to distinguish att a distance, where they were sett. 

The next day the Count de Henning Governour of the place 
sent out to treat, and made his conditions to march forth with his 
armes and baggage on the day following, which was the i gth of 
August. He accordingly performed his Articles, and came out 
with upwards of two thousand foot, and some few horse. 

While wee lay before this place, Monsr. de Bussy-Rabutin, 9 
Mestre de Camp de la Caualerie, being sent out with seven or 
eight Squadrons of horse to convey and guard our foragers, while 
they were about their work on the other side of the Escaut, be 
twixt St Crepin and Valenciennes, having plac'd his troopes be 
fore the Villages in which our men were foraging, and towards the 
Evening, when our foragers had almost ended their work, and 
were most of them gone home loaden, seeing two Squadrons of 
the Enemies horse appear in the plaine betwixt him and Valen 
ciennes, he was desirous to fall upon them ; being also prest to it 
by Severall Volonteers and persons of quality who happened to be 
with him, amongst which were the Prince de Marsillac and the 
Count de Guiche: He therfore march'd to them with all his horse; 
Vpon which they drew off at a round rate, and he followed them : 
But when he was almost got up to them, they faced about on the 
suddain, and at the same time twelve or fourteen Squadrons came 
out of a litle bottom, where they had been all that time in Ambus 
cade, which so much surpris'd both him and all his company, that 
at first they knew not what resolution they should take; and at 
length when he was going to haue charged them, he hauing then 
no other choice to make, as he had order'd matters, but either to 
charge there, or to retire back and make good a dfil6 that was 
behind them, he was determin'd by the men themselves; who 

9 See the Mf moires de Bussy-Rabutin, ed. L. Lalanne, I, 43 5 et passim. Bussy's 
memoirs throw valuable light on the campaign of 1657 (see, e.g., II, 28-29, 3&> 39> 
43, 46, 47) and especially the campaign of 1658 and the battle of the Dunes (II, 
53> 58-5 
208 



1655 TURENNE AND CONDfi EXCHANGE LETTERS 

without waiting for his command, chose the latter, which they had 
reason enough to do, seeing themselves so far outnomber'd by the 
Enemy, so they faced about, and made the best of their way to the 
defile, crying out, as they broke and ran, Au defilel meaning they 
would rally at the pass, and they were as good as their words ; for 
so soon as they were come thether, they rallyd very well, and the 
Enemy being Satisfied with what they had taken in the poursuit, 
press'd them no farther. These Regiments that did this, were of 
the best of our Army, and most of them old Troopers as well as 
Officers, and had they not done that they did, the loss had been 
much more considerable. 

In this rencounter wee lost above a hundred horsemen, and a 
Cornett or two of the Regiment Royall, who happening to be 
taken by some of the Prince of Conde's troopes, he sent them back 
to the King by one of his own Trumpeters ; but his Maty refused 
to accept of them, and so those troopes of the Regiment which had 
lost them, march'd without any during the rest of the Campagne. 

There happen'd also about that time an accident, which caused 
a worse understanding betwixt the Prince of Conde and Monsr. 
de Turenne, then is usuall betwixt persons of their quality com 
manding against one another: 10 For a letter which the Mareshall 
had written to the Cardinal being intercepted, wherin he gave his 
Eminence an account of what had past in the retreat, when the 
Spaniards quitted their post neer Valenciennes ; The Prince, into 
whose hands it fell, after hauing read it, sent a Trumpeter, with a 
letter to Monsr, de Turenne, which was full of very Sharp and res- 
senting expressions, some of which were to this purpose, That had 
he not known M. de Turenne's own handwriting, he should haue 
thought, that the account which was given to the Cardinal in that 
paper, had rather been written by some Gazettier, then a Generall; 
and clos'd his letter with these words. That had Monsr. de Tu 
renne been at the head of his Army, as himself was at the Reer of 
his, he would haue seen the contrary of what he writt, none of his 
horse being forced to swim the River to Save themselves in their 
Retreat. Monsr. de Turenne grew very angry at the reading of 
this letter, and told the Trumpeter, That it concerned him to haue 

10 This little preamble is omitted in the MS. Campagnts (p. 1 84), where we read 
simply that c lt was about this time that a letter which Mr. de Turenne had written. 

> 

209 



CAMPAIGNS OF THE DUKE OF YORK 1655 

a care, how he brought any papers of that nature; and warn'd him 
of it, That if he committed the same fault again, neither his 
character nor his Livery should protect him ; but that for this time 
he was contented to let him go, though he had well deserv'd to be 
punish'd for bringing so injurious a paper. The Prince was not 
long ignorant, that Monsr. de Turenne had written nothing but 
what had been told him by Monsr. de Castelnau, and therfore was 
sorry that he had written so angry and offensive a letter; yet, till 
the conclusion of the Warr, they were never heartily reconciled; I 
mean, they liv'd not with that Civility towards each other, as men 
of their quality and posts are accustom'd to do in those parts. 

And now Conde being taken, and wee hauing left a sufficient 
garrison within it, our Army march'd on the next day which was 
the 2oth of August to St Guislain, and beseig'd it, Monsr. de 
Turenne having his quarter at a Village called Hornu, and Mr. de 
la Ferte his, on the other side of the River. At this place the King 
of France and the Cardinal came to the Army, and were quarter'd 
at the Castle of Bossut, a litle below the Town, on the same River. 
This Town is very strongly situated, standing very low, and the 
River of Haisne running through it; so that they can drown at 
their pleasure most of the ground about it, as now they had, for 
which reason wee found difficulty enough in the carrying on our 
Trenches : 'Twas also very hard to make a line of Circumvallation, 
because bridges of communication could not be made without 
great trouble: So that at the best, notwithstanding all our en 
deavours, our Trenches were full of water, especially when wee 
came neer, and our approches might more reasonably be calPd 
blinds of fascines, then any thing else; because the water being 
even with the ground, wee could neither sink ourselves, nor make 
use of that earth to cover us. Yet surmounting all these difficulties, 
wee carry'd the Town in the space of three days, after wee had 
broken ground. 

When wee came first to our quarters at Hornu, (Horn) it was 
exceeding dark; so that, tho severall of our Generall Officers had 
houses mark'd out for their reception which were within lesse then 
canon-shott of the Town, they knew it not, till next morning, 
when they were waken'd with the thundering of the great Guns 
from the Town ; and the houses being all paper buildings, they 
were soon dislodged, as in particular Monsr. de Passage, with 

210 



1655 $T GUISLAIN CAPITULATES 

others, who were all obliged to seek their quarters out of gune 
shott. I onely made bold to stay in mine, which indeed being litle 
more then muskett-shott from the Town, they neglected it so 
much as not to shoot at it, as supposing that nobody would stay in 
it; so that I remained there in great security during the time the 
Seige lasted. 

At this place the French Guards according to custome, had the 
guard of the Trenches the first night; it being an indisputed right 
in those Countrys, that how many Seiges soever, th5 of very short 
continuance shall happen in a Campagne, the eldest Regiment has 
allways the honour of first breaking ground. There happen'd a 
dispute that night betwixt Mr. de Montpezat the eldest Lieut 
Generall, and the Grand Maistre de PArtillerie, occasion'd by the 
first mention'd sending his orders to the latter, to furnish him 
with some necessarys which he wanted for carrying on the Tren 
ches, the first night they were open'd; which the other refused to 
obey, pretending he ought to receive no orders but from the Gen- 
erall himself: Of which Mr. de Montpezat complaining the next 
day, the dispute was decided in favour of the Lieut Generalls, that 
the Grand Maistre was obliged to receive orders from any of them : 
Upon which result, for so long time as he continued in the Army, 
he officiated no more as Grand Maistre, but had a Comission, 
granted him for Lieut Generall and served only in that capacity. 

Wee lost no many Soldiers at this Seige, nor do I remember 
that any Officer of note was kill'd; only the Cheualier de Crequi 
and Monsr. de Varennes were wounded, besides some other 
Officers, as Monsr. de Chavigny Aide Major to the Regiment of 
Guards, and since Pere de 1'Oratoire; The Cheualier de Crequi 
was wounded at Monsr. de la Fert6s attack, and dangerously hurt 
in the head, of which notwithstanding he afterwards recovered, 
and Monsr. de Varenne was shott in the thigh at their attack as 
he was talking with me. 

In three nights wee carryd on our approches to the edge of the 
ditch, and the next day, the Governour Don Pedro Savali sent out 
to capitulate, and march'd out of the Town the next day following 
which was the 25th. 

While wee were busied at this Seige, the Enemy divided their 
Army; the Arch Duke and Count de Fuensaldagne with most of 
the Spanish foot and some horse, were at Notre-Dame-de-Halle, 

211 



CAMPAIGNS OF THE DUKE OF YORK 1655 

The Pee of Conde with the greatest part of his at Tournay, the 
Lorrainers at Ath, and the Prince of Ligny 11 with about four or 
five thousand men at Mons. 

And now the year was so far spent, that it was not thought ex 
pedient for us to undertake any other Seige, So that wee spent 
severall days in the same quarters where wee were when wee Satt 
down before St Guislain, from which place the Court departed, 
some few days after it was taken. During the time of our abode 
there, wee work hard both at that Town and Conde, adding new 
fortifications to them, but our cheifest care was to secure our 
Foragers, and to eat up the Country round about those garrisons ; 
that by so doing wee might make it impracticable for the Enemy 
to beseige them in the winter. And to that intent wee continued in 
our Camp by St Guislain, till our men had quite made an end of 
the Forage thereabout, and wee took care allways to send out 
strong Convoys with our foragers, to prevent their being beaten 
or taken by the Spaniards. Sometimes Monsr. de Turenne him 
self went out with them; and when he did not, there was allways a 
Lieut Generall at the head of those partys, which had never less 
during our abode in that place then two thousand men to guard 
them. 

Having taken these precautions, wee never received any affront 
or considerable loss in our Forage: yet notwithstanding all the 
care which could be taken, some small partys of the Enemys 
would be still abroad, and glean up here and there a man or two ; 
it being impossible to restrain our Vedettes from running out be 
yond our Guards, where commonly they were surpriz'd ; And of 
all the Enemies' horse, none did us so much mischeif as their 
Cravats, 12 who in litle partys would be perpetually upon our 
Foragers : but to prevent their designs as much as possibly wee 
could, Monsr. de Turenne order 'd, That every Squadron of horse 
should send along with their Foragers, three or four Officers well 
mounted, so that when any of these Cravats fell upon their fellows, 
they might joyn twenty or thirty of them together, which were 
enough to beat off one of those straggling partys : By this means 
our Foragers were better protected then before, and many of the 
Cravats taken. 

11 THe Prince de Ligne. 

12 See above, for the year 1654, p. 192. 

212 



i6$5 THE DUKE'S CONVOY TO CHIEVRES 

The last Forage wee made while wee stayd in that quarter, was 
the greatest of any, and of the most danger, being to go as far as 
Chievres and the Abbey of Cambron ; the first of which places is 
but the distance of a large league from Ath. This Convoy was 
commanded by men (me), and being to march so great a distance 
from their Camp into the midst of those places where the Enemies 
troopes were quartered, I had five Battalions and fourty Squadrons 
with two pieces of canon along with me. And as I gave a particular 
account of one considerable Forage which was made in the fore 
going year, I shall do the same of this. 13 

Having considered that I was to be ingaged so far in the 
Enemys Country, I thought it necessary to take what precau 
tions I could, and to that purpose before day I sent a party of horse 
to a great wood, through which I was of necessity to pass, to stopp 
all the Foragers there, and to permitt none of them to go on be 
yond those limits, till I cam thither myself with the Troopes I 
commanded. This being perform'd according to my order, I 
march'd through the wood, and drew out upon the plaine before 
any one Forager was there. In the wood I left a Battalion, that 
from Mons, partys of foot might not intercept them when they 
returned loaden. Then I gaue my orders, that the Foragers should 
not presume to disband, or march faster then the Convoy; but go 
along with me upon the same front on each hand of the Squad 
rons. In this manner I march'd till I came almost within a league 
of Chievres; and it was an extraordinary sight to see about ten 
thousand Foragers, most of them with scythes in their hands, 
with the Officers before them marching as they did, the front of 
them being almost half a mile in breadth: But when they came 
within sight of that part of the Country, which had not been 
already forag'd, it was altogether impossible either for me or their 
particular Officers to keep them in order any longer, or to hinder 
them from disbanding, and making what hast they could to 
forage. Which when I observ'd, I left the remainder of my foot, 
and some horse together with the canon, upon the heigth where I 
was, near a Village; and myself with the greatest part of the re 
maining horse, march'd at a round trott after the Foragers, and 
when they were fallen to their work, I placed myself before them 
betwixt Chievres and Brugelet, by that means to cover them from 
18 Sentence omitted in the MS. Campagnts (p. 1 89). 

213 



CAMPAIGNS OF THE DUKE OF YORK 1655 

those in Ath. At the same time sending the Count de Grandpre 
with the rest of the horse the other way, ordering him to draw up 
by a Village calPd Leuse, therby to Secure our Foragers from any 
partys which might come out from Mons. 

And upon this occasion I cannot forbear to mention the great 
order and justice which was observ'd amongst Foragers; for he 
who first enters into a Feild of Corne or Meadow, keepes posses 
sion, and none will offer to come within such a distance of him, 
and not to leave him sufficient forage to load his horse: And who 
soever gets first into a Barne, or on a Hay-mowe, no man offers 
to disturb him, or to size on any thing, till he has provided for 
himself; so that First come first serv'd. 

About noon I had an alarme, but it prov'd to be only Monsr. de 
Rochepair, 14 who had been abroad with a party of about a thous 
and horse, and was returning to the Camp, without having done 
any thing : I desir J d him to stay with me, not knowing what use 
wee might haue of more men : And now hauing continued there 
till all the Foragers had loaden, and were gone, I march'd back to 
the Camp after them, loosing only half a score, who had past over 
the brook by Cambron contrary to order, and were taken by a 
small party of the Enemy. I have since been told by the Prince de 
Ligne, and other Officers of the Spanish Army, That they had in 
tended that day to haue fallen on our Foragers, and had appointed 
a Rendezvous for most of their horse from Tournay, Mons, and 
Ath, (and} haue met for that design; but that when I march'd out 
with out Foragers, there was so great a noise in our Camp, that 
some of the Prince de Ligne's small partys brought him intelli 
gence to Mons, that our whole Army was on its march : wherupon 
he sent immediate notice of it to the Rendezvous, and they all 
march'd back into their severall quarters, apprehending to meet 
with the Van (of) our Army: Thus in all appearance by this mis 
take, that Forage escap'd a great danger; for it would haue been 
very difficult to haue gott off in safety, when so great a body of 
horse should haue fallen on them. 

Some days after this, all the Country about us being now quite 
eaten up, wee past the River, and Camp at Outrage 15 on the I4th 
of September, and on the 1 9th wee march'd to Leuse a Bourg in 

14 'Rocheperre' (MS. Campagnes, p. 190). 

15 'Hauterage' (MS. Campagnes, p. 291). 

2I 4 



1655 MARCH OF THE FRENCH ARMY 

the midway betwixt Tournay and Ath, where wee rested for some 
days, till wee had also eaten up most of the Forage in those parts. 
During our stay there, wee took in the Castle of Briffeil, in which 
the Enemy had a garrison, who would not deliver it up till they 
saw our canon in battery against them. 

Having stayd as long as it was convenient in that quarter, wee 
began to think it necessary for us to go out of the Enemys Coun 
try; and on the 26th of September, wee march' d to Pommereuil 
near Pont de Haisne. The next day wee passed over that River, 
and camped at Angre upon the Hosneau (Anirt sur rHaisneattf-* 
about a league from Keuvrain up that brook. This quarter and all 
adjoining to it, had been so consumed, that the very first night of 
our coming thether, our Foragers were forc'd to go out two 
leagues for nothing but for straw. So that had any one proposed to 
haue stayd there, about three or four days, it would haue been 
judged impracticable. Notwithstanding which Monsr. de Tu- 
renne maintain'd us there without want above a fortnight; which 
was impossible to haue done, had he not ordered us to provide 
ourselves with corn when wee went from Leuse: at which time 
our waggons were not only as full as they could hold, but every 
Trooper carryd a sack of corn behind him, the day wee came 
thether, which enabled us to subsist so long as wee did in that 
leane quarter; where there was so litle Forage in the neighbour 
hood, that I do not remember wee sent out above thrice while wee 
continued there. 

At this place also I commanded the last Forage which wee 
made, and was forced to go almost as far as Bouchain before any 
thing could be found, most of our men coming loaden only with 
Straw, The occasion of our long stay in that place, was to furnish 
the two Towns which wee had newly taken with all manner of 
Stores and necessary provisions, and for finishing of some works 
which were absolutely needfull for their Safety. 

When this was done, about the I ith of October wee march'd 
to Barlaimont, and on the 22d to the Abbey of Marolles; where 
wee thought wee should haue continued for some time: but hav 
ing received intelligence that some troopes of the Enemy were 
drawing down that way, wee thought it expedient for us to remove 
from thence to a place called Vandegies-au-bois, where our Gener- 

18 Angri sur le Hainaut (MS. Camfagttes, p. 291). 

215 



CAMPAIGNS OF THE DUKE OF YORK 1655 

all received orders to march towards la Fere ; the Court being then 
just advertis'd, that the Mareshall d'Hocquincourt was making a 
Treaty with the Prince of Conde, to deliver up to him Ham and 
Peronne 3 of both which places he was Governour. In pursuance 
of which order Monsr. de Turenne came with the Army on the 
4th of Nouember to Mouy, a Village upon the River of Oyse, 
about two leagues above la Fere ; where so soon as he arriued, he 
received a letter from the Cardinal to leave the Army there, and 
come himself to Compiegne where the Court then was, that they 
might consult together, what resolution was to be taken, in case 
the Mareshall d'Hocquincourt should not hearken to the offers 
which were made him from the King, and receive the Enemy into 
those two so considerable places, upon the River of Somme. 17 

Accordingly he went thether leaving the Army under my com 
mand, who was then the only Lieut Generall remaining with it, all 
the others having had leave given them before to go away, when 
they askt it, there being no probability of Action. By this accident 
I came to haue the command of the Army committed to me, at the 
very time when the Peace betwixt France and Cromwell was con 
cluded and actually publish'd, and by which Treaty, I was by 
name to be banish'd France. The Army stayd at Mouy during 
some days, and there I received orders to march with it to Mon- 
decour on the loth of Nouember. That Town is betwixt Noyon 
and Chauny, and there I stayd till Monsr. de Turenne return'd to 
the Army, which was about the I4th, when the affaire concerning 
Mr. d'Hocquincourt was wholy accommodated, and the Court 
was secur'd not to lose those two places. After which I obtain'd 
leave from Monsr. de Turenne to go to the Court, the Army being 

17 Condi's friend Madame de ChatiHon had great influence with Marshal 
D'Hocquincourt. The latter installed himself in Peronne where he could conveni 
ently receive overtures from both sides. Mazarin suggested that Turenne should 
move his army near to Peronne; but Turenne pointed out the risk of forcing D'Hoc 
quincourt to 'some extreme resolution'. Should these invaluable fortresses fall into 
Spanish hands, the war might again turn into a civil war and the situation once more 
become desperate. D'Hocquincourt was asking for twenty thousand crowns. Give 
him fifty thousand rather than temporise, was Turenne's advice. Once Conde and the 
Spaniards are in Pdronne, it will cost you more than twenty million, if not the loss of 
the kingdom. This was sound advice. Conde" and the Spaniards were hovering within 
a few hours of Peronne. And when Mazarin offered D'Hocquincourt the sum he had 
asked for on condition that he should resign the governorship of PeYonne and one or 
two other places to his son, whom the Court considered reliable, he came to terms, 
and the enemy withdrew into Flanders. 

216 




7. VlCOMTE DE SCHOMBERG 




z 
z 





c/2 
to 

O 



o 
p 





Q 

w 
a 
H 

CO 



1655 WINTER QUARTERS 

at that time just ready to go into their winter-quarters, and no 
likelyhood of any more action that Year; for as long as there was 
any, I thought myself obliged in honour not to quitt the Army, 
tho I knew the Treaty betwixt the Crown of France and Crom 
well, by Vertue of which I was presently to leave the Country, was 
already sign'd on both sides. 



H 



UNTIL the conclusion of the treaty with Monsieur d'Hoc- 
quincourtj the Campaign of 1655 could not be considered 
finished; so the Duke of York did not think he could leave the 
French Army with honour while there might still arise some ac 
tion, although he knew that the treaty between France and Crom 
well was signed, whereby he was banished from the Kingdom. 
The Queen Mother of France as well as the Cardinal explained 
the reasons for this to the Prince on his arrival at Compiegne, and 
how they had been obliged to yield to a necessity so contrary to 
their inclination. And when the Court was returned to Paris, they 
not only expressed the desire they had to retain him in the service, 
but assured him that, if Cromwell would not consent to the pro 
positions they had made to him in this matter, his pension would 
still be paid him in what ever place he might retire to, provided 
that he did not serve against France. He then accepted the offer 
that was made him to serve in Italy as Captain-General under the 
Duke of Modena, Generalissimo of the troops of France and 
Savoy in Piedmont. He had a strong inclination to get more and 
more experience in arms, and the tender love which his aunt the 
Duchess of Savoy had shown him on every occasion, caused him 
to embrace this decision with the more pleasure because he felt 
much gratitude for her kindness and because she ardently desired 
to have him near her. 1 

* The entry for 1656 lias been translated tel qud from the French MS. It is 
slightly different from, and substantially shorter than, the corresponding entry in the 
Life. If we assume that both are based on the same original, it is clear that the person 
who made the French translation added one passage (as indicated below), but 
abbreviated or paraphrased the rest, passing over a few lines here and there, and 
omitting at the end nearly nine pages which figure in the Life. 

1 This first paragraph summarises very quickly the three paragraphs which con 
clude the entry in the Life (pp. 264-266) for 1655. Two points omitted in the 
French MS. are (i) that James affirms that Mazarin 'had been a very ill Minister, if 
he had not made that Treaty with Cromwell in such a juncture of affairs' (p. 265); 
and (ii) in reply to Mazarin's representations, Cromwell 'consented to my Stay in 
France, and to my serving in any of their Arrays, excepting only that of Flanders' (p. 
266). 

218 



1656 THE DUKE MEETS ANNE HYDE 

At the beginning of February the Princess of Orange came to 
Paris to see the Queen her Mother. The Duke of York went to 
meet her between Peronne and Cambrai. It was there that the 
Prince for the first time saw Mistress Hyde, maid of honour to 
the Princess his sister, and whom he afterwards married. 2 The 
French Court came out of Paris with great civility to receive this 
Princess and carried her to the Palais Royal where they left her 
with the Queen her Mother. 

A few days after this 3 on the arrival of the news that the King of 
England had gone from Cologne into Flanders^ 3 all the Irish 
Colonels who had served in the French armies under Monsieur de 
Turenne and Monsieur de la Ferte, hearing of it, wrote to the 
Duke of York to assure him that they were ready to perform, as 
good subjects and men of honour, whatever he should appoint 
them. 4 He thanked them and recommended them by no means to 
suffer their soldiers to pass into Flanders piecemeal or in small 
parties, although the Spaniards might invite them, on the occasion 
of the King's having retired into their country; and that they 
should keep their Regiments together, as much for the service of 
his Majesty when there should be need of them, as for their own 
advantage; besides that their soldiers could not disperse them 
selves, as long as he was serving in France, without doing great 
prejudice to his private affairs, and that when it should be time to 
make use of their offers, he would advise them of it. 5 

One of the Colonels named Richard Gray 6 deserves that men 
tion should be made of the handsome manner in which he quitted 
the service of the Spaniards after having been obliged so to do as 
much by their ill care as by his own duty. He had served King 

2 This circumstance has been hitherto unknown. The sentence does not occur in 
the printed Life (ed. Clarke) where the first mention of 'Mrs. Hyde' and the Duke's 
marriage occurs in the section immediately following the Restoration (I, 387). 

8 '.. . it being reported that the King of Engknd was to go from Colen into Flan 
ders' (Life, The Third Part, I, 267). 

4 The Life (p. 267) says the same in other words. 

6 The account in the Life (pp. 267-268) is substantially the same, but the order of 
phrases is different. 

'And here his R.H. takes particular notice in his Memoires of the ^handsome 
carriage of one of those Colonells, when he quitted the Service of the Spaniards. This 
gentleman by name Col: Richard Grace, after having serv'd the kte King Charles the 

ist ' (Lift, p. 268). The MS. shows that 'Grace' had originally been written, and 

then boldly corrected to 'Gray'-evidently by James's order. 

219 




22O 



1656 COLONEL RICHARD GRAY 

Charles the ist in England until the capture of Oxford, and had 
sustained the cause of Charles the 2nd in Ireland as long as his 
party had been in arms in that Kingdom. When the war was over 
the Rebels had permitted him to take over a Regiment of his 
nation into Spain. He had concluded an honourable and advan 
tageous capitulation with the Spaniards, but when his troops were 
disembarked to the number of twelve hundred men, it was so ill 
observed, and he himself so ill used, that he lost the half of his men 
before he could arrive in Catalonia. He nevertheless served in the 
Campaign with much valour; 7 but having been placed in garrison 
in an important fortress on the frontier, on learning that the King 
his Master had retired into France 8 and that the Duke of York 
was serving in the [French] Armies, he resolved to quit Spain, 
where he had no reason to hope for better treatment than in the 
past; but he did not think that, they having broken their word 
with him, he was for that reason freed from the obligation of be 
having toward them as a gallant man and as became a gentleman. 9 
He sent to propose to Monsieur d'Hocquincourt 10 that he should 
receive his Regiment on the same footing as the other Regiments 
of his nation that were serving in France, and on condition that he 
might afterwards go to serve his King wherever the King's affairs 
should require it. The offer was accepted, and he was earnestly de 
sired at the same time to deliver up his castle. But he refused. He 
agreed only that the Marshal should send Cavalry on a certain 
day to a certain spot, to meet the Regiment. He then sent to the 
nearest Spanish garrison to give them notice that they should dis 
patch two hundred men to whom he would deliver up the Castle 
when he marched out of it; but that they should have care not to 
send a greater number which might cause him to suspect trea 
chery; because then he would not deem it treachery to deliver the 
Castle to the French when he should be obliged to do so for his 

7 ^Notwithstanding which bad treatment, he serv'd in the Spanish Army with good 
reputation, till the end of the Campagne.' (Life, p. 268). 

8 Here the Life adds: 'where he was honourably treated.' 

9 The differences between the French MS. and the text printed in the Life are 
here very slight. 

10 'To which purpose he sent to the Mareshall d'Hocquincourt, who at that time 
commanded the French Army in Catalonia, to let him know, that on such a day, 
which was mention'd by him, he would march off with his Regiment on these condi 
tions, that . . / (as in MS.). The Life is dearer and more circumstantial at this point. 

221 



CAMPAIGNS OF THE DUKE OF YORK 1656 

own security and his regiment's. The evacuation was completed in 
good faith. He marched out of one gate, while the two hundred 
Spaniards entered by another; and he found the French horse at 
the rendezvous which had been fixed. 

When it was known 11 that the King of England was not only in 
Flanders, but that he had signed a Treaty with Spain, all men be 
lieved that the Duke of York would also withdraw there. This 
Prince, who was used to speaking in confidence of his affairs with 
Monsieur de Turenne, was advised by him to write to the King 
his brother and offer to his consideration, that having served in 
France and received his education there, having moreover con 
tracted friendship with the most considerable persons at the Court 
and in the Armies whose interest might one day be usefully em 
ployed for the advantage of his Majesty, he believed it would be 
to his interest to permit him to remain in France; whereas by 
quitting it, he ran great hazard of losing both his friends and the 
interest he had there. He believed he could render no great service 
in Flanders where it was enough for the Spaniards that his Majesty 
and the Duke of Gloucester were there. Besides this, there had 
been no mention made of him in the Treaty, and the Spaniards 
had not shown that they desired him to join them. 12 If they 
should happen later to ask for this, his Majesty could secretly 
consent to his remaining in France, while appearing vexed 
with him for his apparent disobedience; which would satisfy 
the Spaniards; and this connivance would be known only to 
the person who should carry the proposition and bring back the 
consent. 13 

The Duke of York was much pleased with this advice, he com 
municated it to the Queen his Mother who also approved it, and 
he resolved to send. Charles Berkeley to make the proposition to 
the King. But at the moment when Berkeley was going to set out, 

11 The new paragraph, in the Life begins: 'But to returne where wee left. After 
this address, which was made to the Duke from the Irish Collonels, there came 
certain news, That the King was in Flanders and that he had concluded a Treaty 

with the Spaniards ' The narrative that follows differs somewhat from that in the 

MS. and is a little fuller. 

12 . . . *et qu'ils n'avaient point t&noigne souhaitter qu'il rut de la partie' (MS.). 
The narrative in the Life (p. 270) expresses a more marked vexation with the negli 
gence and disdain displayed by the Spaniards on this occasion. 

13 This concludes the details of the scheme which Turenne proposed. 

222 



1656 THE DUKE AT COMPIfcGNE 

he unfortunately broke his leg, which obliged the Prince to make 
use of Doctor Frazer who was about to leave and join his Majesty. 
The latter acquitted himself very faithfully of this commission ; 
but the King, far from consenting to the Duke's request, imme 
diately sent him an absolute order to come and join him in Flan 
ders with all possible diligence. He at once obeyed, and the French 
Court consented. 14 

When this Prince arrived at Compiegne at the beginning of 
September to take leave of the Court, there befell an accident 
which would have greatly embarrassed him in any other country. 
The Marquess of Ormond had been dispatched by the King of 
England, at the request of the Spaniards, to the blockade of 
Conde, which was to surrender in a few days. He sent in an order 
in the name of his Majesty to Muskerry who had an Irish Regi 
ment in garrison in that place, and to the Chevalier Darcy, Lieu 
tenant-Colonel of the Duke of York's Regiment, to quit the ser 
vice of France by marching out of the town and to come and join 
him in Flanders. Muskerry answered that he had all the feelings 
of respect and obedience which a good subject must have for the 
King; but he did not think he could with honour quit the Service 
of France in which he had engaged, until he had previously ob 
tained a passport, which he would ask for as soon as he should 
have joined the army. This behaviour 15 of the Marquess caused 
great displeasure at the French Court; but it did not hinder the 
Duke's being received there with much civility and being assured 
that his pension would still be paid, in case he did not actually 
serve against France. 16 

14 The text here is marked!/ different from the longer passage in Life (p. 271). At 
this point, however, the text of the MS. as translated here, omits four pages which 
appear in the Life (bottom of p. 271 to lower part of p. 275) presumably because 
these relate to intrigues at the English court. The text of the MS. immediately follow 
ing this point rejoins the text of the Life at p, 275. 

15 'Ce procede du Marquis deplut beaucoup a k Cour de France, mais il n'empescha 
point que le Due n'y fut receu avec beaucoup de civilite. . . .' The reference is to 
Ormonde. ? 

15 Here follows in the Life (I, 276-277) a paragraph which describes the Duke s 
doings in Paris, and the letters awaiting him from Charles II requiring him to leave 
Sir John Berkeley in Paris. He saw that the design was to remove Berkeley from his 
service and impose on him Sir John Ratcliffe, 'an absolute creature of those who 
were most inward with his Majesty. But this their project did not take,' because 
the Duke obeyed the King by going to Flanders, although he took Berkeley with 
him. 

223 



CAMPAIGNS OF THE DUKE OF YORK 1656 

This Prince, having sent his Equipage 17 and servants before 
him, set out from Paris on the roth of September and lay the first 
night at Verneuil with Monsieur de Metz. The next day he pro 
ceeded in his carriage to Clermont in order to take the post there 
and go the same day to join his Equipage which had orders to 
await him at Abbeville. 

On his arriving at the gates of Clermont, one of his servants 
whom he had sent before to hold the horses ready, came to tell him 
that Lockart, Cromwell's ambassador, was there and was lodging 
at the Post House, 18 which was the best in the town; whereupon 
he gave this man orders to have his horses brought to the door of 
the Post House. The Prince on arriving had his coach stop, took 
out his boots, got on horseback in the street and immediately 
continued on his way. There was equal surprise on both sides. 
Lockart feared the consequences. He knew that the Duke of York 
was as well liked by the people as he was held in consideration by 
all persons of quality in the Kingdom, and that the English of 
Lockart's party were equally hated by all men ; these reflections 
alarmed him; he caused his horses to be saddled, assembled his 
men in the inn, and made them stand on guard with their swords 
and pistols. He himself stood at a window of the room which 
looked out on the street above the gate, having beside him the 
principal men of his retinue who like him were uncovered; 'tis 
probable that he stood thus to avoid taking off his hat and not be 
blamed for remaining covered. His footmen stood in the Court at 
the bottom of the stairs. Now the coach having stopped directly 

17 'Ce Prince aiant fait prendre les devants a ses Equipages, partit de Paris. . . .* 
Furetiere (Dictionnaire, 1690) defines this word as 'Provision de tout ce qui est 
n^cessaire pour voyager ou s'entretenir honorablement, soit de valets, chevaux, 
carrosses, habits, armes, etc'. It therefore meant his carriage, attendants, baggage, and 
probably weapons. 

18 Thotellerie de la poste. 5 

Sir William Lockhart was a Scottish gentleman who, as a boy, had sought his for 
tune on the Continent and distinguished himself in the French army. During the 
Civil War in England he had fought for the King, who knighted him. At the time of 
Charles IPs adventure in Scotland he offered to accompany Charles as a volunteer in 
the expedition which was to end at Worcester; but Charles appears to have ignored 
his offer. He later came to terms with Cromwell and entered his service. His mission 
as ambassador to France and subsequently as commander of the English expeditionary 
force was highly successful. After the Restoration he retired to Scotland; but in 1674 
Charles II sent him as envoy to Brandenburg and later appointed him as ambassador 
in Paris. 

224 



1656 THE DUKE AND CROMWELL'S AMBASSADOR 

at the gate facing the window, the Prince saw him, and before he 
could get on horseback, all the people having eagerly run up to 
see him, the least word from him would have made them fall on 
the ambassador. Lockart was afraid but his fear lasted no long 
time and the Prince's departure reassured him. 19 

What the Court had done in civility to the Duke of York to 
avoid any accident was like to have caused a very painful one. 20 
Lockart had been sent from Compiegne to Clermont to avoid his 
encountering the Prince, who had remained a few days in Paris 
but much fewer then the Court had supposed, after he had taken 
leave of them. His diligence in setting out was the reason for his 
finding Lockart still at Clermont. He was received with much 
civility in every town he passed through, 21 and arriving at Grave- 
lines which was the first place belonging to the Spaniards, he was 
there met by the Marquess of Ormond on the orders of the King 
his brother; and his Majesty who was then at Bruges came to 
Furne to receive him. 22 



1S The account of this episode in the Life is similar but longer and more detailed. 
Tlie French text is a more concise paraphrase of it. 

20 ... 'pensa en causer un [accident] fort fascheus,' that is, nearly caused a very 
awkward 'incident'. 

21 The Life (p. 278) specifies Montreuii, Boulogne, and Calais. 

22 This paragraph concludes the entry for 1656. It is written by the same scribe 
but in a smaller hand than the rest of the section in the MS., and was perhaps added 
somewhat later. The Life now gives a detailed account (nearly nine folio pages, 
pp. 279287) of the pressure that was brought to bear on the Duke to get rid of his 
trusted followers, Sir John Berkeley, Harry Berkeley (his master of the Horse), and 
Henry Jennyn; to bring Sir James Darcey and his regiment from Paris into Flanders; 
and to compel him and the Duke to enter the Spanish service. This intrigue was the 
work of a faction then uppermost in Charles's councils; its leaders appear to have been 
Sir Henry Bennet (afterwards Lord Arlington), Sir John Ratcliffe, and the Earl of 
Bristol; Henry Killigrew was associated with it. Lord Jennyn, who with Henry 
Jennyn was strongly pro-French, wrote from Paris urging the Duke not to take ser 
vice with Spain, as he had lived so long in France, had been treated with great kind 
ness, and was in receipt of a pension. James felt nevertheless that he might with 
honour agree to the King's wishes and serve with the Spaniards. But when, on Christ 
mas eve, he learned that the Spaniards proposed to administer an oath to everyone 
who came over to their side (which would mean that his own junior officers would be 
pledged to the King of Spain and not to the Duke); when Lord Bristol attempted 
further to damage Sir John Berkeley's credit; and when, finally, to add to his indigna 
tion, Charles compelled him to send Sir John away in this juncture James deter 
mined to have no more to do with the Spanish proposal, but to withdraw into 
Holland which he did. 

225 



THE DUKE'S FIFTH CAMPAIGN, 

AND THE FIRST HE SERVED IN 

THE SPANISH ARMY 

THE beginning of this Campaign was very glorious for the 
Prince de Oonde, While he was reviewing his cavalry at La 
Bussiere on the Sambre, whence they were to go to the general 
rendezvous of the army, he was advised that Monsieur de Tu- 
renne and Monsieur de la Ferte had besieged Cambrai, which he 
knew had only a weak garrison. He immediately, and without 
hesitating, marched in order to try to relieve it before the French 
could be informed of his march and had perfected their lines. He 
took his measures so as to arrive at night; and although the French 

* This entry for 1657 Las, like the entries for 1652 and 1656, been translated from 
the French MS. The Life here contains a section of 8 pages (pp. 288-296) which do 
not figure in the Campagnes. In this section of the Life, the Duke makes his way 
secretly into Holland and is about to embark in a French ship with the intention of 
returning to France when he is dissuaded by Charles Berkeley who points out that an 
English warship, exercising the right of search, may intercept him. He therefore pro 
ceeds to Utrecht, still hoping to rejoin the French, However, on receiving from 
Charles II promises of more satisfactory treatment, he returns to Bruges and it is now 
understood that he will serve with the Spaniards under Don Juan and the Marquess 
of Caracena. He dismisses Sir Henry Bennet and Harry KilHgrew from his service, 
while Lord Bristol, another of his enemies, falls into temporary disgrace. 

The nest section, which is devoted to 'The Duke's Fifth Campagne, and the first 
he serv'd in the Spanish Army' (Life, pp. 297-329) opens with four paragraphs 
which likewise do not appear in the MS. Campagnes. These describe Charles IPs and 
James's efforts to raise six regiments of foot, drawn from the English, Scots, and Irish 
then in France, to serve with the Spaniards. Over 2000 men are raised and the num 
ber would have been doubled but for Spanish jealousy and discouragement. The Duke 
nevertheless, being now in Brussels, wins the good will of Don Juan and the Spanish 
ministers, and takes the field at the head of the British regiments. The account in the 
MS. Campagnes is resumed at this point. 

Here, and throughout this section of the Life, and also in the section for 1658, the 
narrative is in the first person; and this suggests that this part of the Life is a literal 
copy, as it purports to be, of James's autograph memoirs. 

226 



i6 5 7 RAISING THE SIEGE OF CAMBRAI 

were on horseback and in good order, he forced a passage through 
the two lines of cavalry which stood in his way and which could 
not hinder so considerable a body of troops, whose only business 
was to reach the town ; which was performed with very little loss. 
He arrived at the Counterscarp ; and the Count de Salazar, gover 
nor of the place, so little expected this succour that the Prince de 
Conde was a long time at the palisade before they opened the gate 
for him. This surprise was the more agreeable to him [Salazar], 
because he was no great soldier, the garrison was weak, and if he 
had not been relieved at that time, he was going to abandon the 
town and defend the citadel. The place was ordinarily well pro 
vided with men, and the reason why it was not then well provided 
was that the Spaniards believed Cromwell was sending six thous 
and of his troops to join the French and that they were designing 
to attack some maritime town of the Spaniards. So they fortified 
all their garrisons on that side; and the Cardinal, having been in 
formed that the garrison of Cambrai was weak, thought this a more 
favourable opportunity for taking it as he had for long greatly 
desired to become its Bishop and Prince ; x and truly, had not the 
Prince de Conde been extremely prompt and suddenly and by 
chance decided to succour it, the town had been taken. For if he 
had been in Brussels when the Spaniards were warned of the 
siege, the French would have completed their lines before the 
Spaniards could have deliberated and resolved on the means of 
relieving the place. 2 

Monsieur de Turenne who had counted on the usual slowness 
and gravity of the Spaniards was exceedingly surprised at the 
Prince de Conde's promptitude, and having learned from some 
prisoners the number and quality of the troops that had entered 
the town, he judged it appropriate to raise the siege and give ad 
vice of this to the Court. The Prince de Conde, having left a 
sufficient garrison [in Cambrai], returned to Brussels and sent the 
rest of his troops to the general rendezvous which was near Mons. 

This ill success [of Turenne's] disconcerted the measures that 

1 ... *crut 1'occasion d'autant plus favorable pour la prendre qu'il avoit de longue 
main une forte passion d'en devenir FEveque et le Prince.' The passage in Life is 
milder and slightly more amusing: 'which he had more desire to take than any other, 
having, as I have been inform'd, a kind of longing to be made Prince and Bishop of 
it' (p. 300). 

2 The narrative in Life is more detailed and elaborate. 

227 



CAMPAIGNS OF THE DUKE OF YORK 1657 

the French had taken for this campaign. They abandoned the 
design of undertaking any other considerable siege; they divided 
their army; Monsieur de la Ferte with one part went to attack 
Montmedy, and Monsieur de Turenne with the other marched 
towards the sea to join the English infantry that had disembarked, 
after which he returned the same way to watch the movements of 
the Spaniards. These, on the igth of June, left the neighbourhood 
of Mons to go and camp on the Sambre a little above Thuin. On 
the 22nd the army passed the river, the next day it camped near 
Philippeville as if with the design of relieving Montmedy. Mon 
sieur de Turenne made haste to get there before them; but the 
real design was to beguile and deceive him, 3 and fall upon Calais 
which it was hoped to carry in a few hours, at a point that was 
known to be weak. The Spaniards had been meditating this design 
even before the departure of the Archduke, who had sent engi 
neers in disguise to reconnoitre the weaknesses of the place. They 
had not yet been able to find an opportunity of attacking it. They 
thought at last they would succeed and had taken measures so 
sound that it seemed the enterprise could not fail. It was conducted 
in such secrecy that the enemy had not the least suspicion of it 
The Spaniards, on quitting Mons, had left a body of cavalry 
behind, which with the infantry that could be drawn from the 
neighbouring garrisons was enough to begin the undertaking. 

After leading Monsieur de Turenne to advance towards Mont 
medy, the Spanish army suddenly turned back and began to 
march towards Calais on the 26th. Don Juan, 4 the Prince de 
Cond, and Caracena went in advance with the cavalry by the 
shortest way and left the Duke of York and Marsin with the in 
fantry to follow with all diligence; the baggage and cannon were 
marching more in advance. The Prince de Ligne 5 had been chosen 
to execute this enterprise and, that he might have the principal 
conduct of it, he was sent a day's march in front of the army to put 

3 'Mr de Turenne se liasta de gagner les devants; le dessein estoit de 1'amuser et de 
luy donner le change, en tombant sur Calais, . . .' 

4 Don Juan was a son of Philip IV and the actress Maria Calder6n. He had fought 
bravely in his early campaigns and his father, who had appointed him in 1656 as 
viceroy of the Netherlands, seems to have thought he might emulate the achieve 
ments of his sixteenth-century namesake. He was to distinguish himself mainly for his 
self-assurance and his siestas. 

5 The Life has 'The Prince de Ligny', which is an error. 

228 



1657 FUTILE MARCH TO CALAIS 

himself at the head of the troops which had been left behind for 
this purpose. The Duke of York marched the first night to Tilly 
with the infantry; on the 27th he reached the suburbs of Mons; on 
the 28th Bruelles (?); 6 on the 29th, having passed the Scheldt at 
Tournai, he camped at Bouvines. 7 On the 3ist he marched under 
the walls of Lille, passed the Lys at Armentieres, and camped at 
Nieukerke. 8 The next day, ist of July, he arrived at Hazebrouk 
and on the 2nd at Arques, a league distant from St. Omer, where, 
on arriving, he proposed to reach Calais before nightfall. But he 
received a letter from Don Juan who sent him word that the 
enterprise had failed and ordered him to remain at Arques until he 
received further instructions. 

The Prince de Ligne had marched from Gravelines as soon as 
it was night to execute the design at low tide by seizing that part 
of the town which was outside the walls and adjoining the quay, 
after which one could make oneself master of the town in twelve 
hours. But he arrived half an hour too late; the water was so high 
that it was impossible to pass through, and he was obliged to draw 
off having done nothing but give a sudden alarm to the town and 
show the governor where the weakest point was, which the gover 
nor then took pains to fortify and so deprive the Spaniards of any 
hope of being able to surprise the place. 

This long march having produced no other effect, the cavalry 
and infantry joined up at Quiernes, a league from Ayre, on the 
4th of July and the cannon and baggage arrived a day or two later. 
The army marched on the 6th to Bourech near Lillers, remained 
there a few days and went and camped towards the I2th at 
Brouai ; the next day at Lens, then at Roeux on the Scarpe, and on 
the i ^th at Sauchy-Cauchy between Arras and Cambrai, and after 
camping there until the 2ist it marched to Marcoing. 

While time was being lost in making so many useless marches, 
Monsieur de la Fert continued the Siege of Montmedy, which 
offered more resistance than he had expected, the place being 

ft The MS. lias 'Briffeuille' crossed out and replaced in another hand (probably 
James's) by 'Bruelles'. Ramsay, Histotre de Turenne, II, cxviii, gives 'Bruxelles', and 
this is almost certainly correct. 

7 The MS. has: 'II vint camper a pont a Tresin.' 'Tresin* has been crossed out and 
replaced by 'Bouvines'. I take 'Bouvines 5 (not of course Pont-^-Bouvines) as the 
correct reading. 

8 Neuve-Chapelle. 

229 



CAMPAIGNS OF THE DUKE OF YORK 1657 

strong and defended by a good garrison. Monsieur de Turenne 
for his part was watching the Spaniards' movements without how 
ever going far from the beleaguered town, in order to prevent any 
relief from being thrown into it. The [Spanish] army having 
broken camp at Marcoing on the 27th marched to Ferracques, on 
the 29th to Origny where it only stayed one day and then went to 
camp at Eglancour until the 8th of August, when it marched to 
Feron ; the next day to Macon near Chimai, and on the i oth to 
Amblain a league away from Mariembourg, where news came of 
the taking of Montmedy, which had defended itself so bravely 
and obstinately that it surrendered only after the enemy had 
lodged themselves in a bastion and set up a battery of six cannon 
there. It was learned at the same time that Monsieur de Turenne 
was marching into Flanders to undertake some siege. The 
[Spanish] army had to set off again on the I4th and did not stop 
until the 2 oth when it reached Calonne on the Lys, a league dis 
tant from St. Venant, which Monsieur de Turenne had laid siege 
to and where the lines were already so far advanced 9 that this con 
sideration and the disposition of the forces did not allow the Spani 
ards to attempt to relieve the place. They simply thought how 
they might cut off the enemy's provisions and prevent the passage 
of a convoy of four or five hundred waggons which it was known 
was to march next day from Bethune to the French army. It was 
judged fitting for this purpose to break camp and take up a posi 
tion at Montbernanson by which place it was absolutely necessary 
they should pass. The country across which the army was to 
march being covered [with enclosures] and intersected with 
hedges and ditches, workmen were commanded to march at the 
head of each regiment with spades and axes 10 to clear a way for 
them, so that the army could take up battle-order in the plain 
which was only a cannon's shot from the enemy. The army was 

9 The Spaniards were mistaken. Turenne had been able to do very little up to this 
time (Turenne, II, 80). 

10 *Le pays par ou on devoit marcher estant fort couvert et entrecouppe de hayes 
et de fosses, on commanda des travailleurs pour marcher avec des beches et des 
haches a la teste de chaque Regiment. . . .' The narrative in the Life is more wordy 
and less circumstantial. 'And because the place where wee then lay, as well as the 
formost part of the ground, over which wee were to march the following day, was an 
inclos'd Country, wee had commanded men appointed to march with tooles at the 
head of each Regiment ' (p. 305). 

230 



1657 MARCH OF THE SPANISH ARMY 

ready to break camp at dawn, and yet it only marched towards 
noon. The reason for this delay is all the more difficult to imagine 
because the success of the design depended on diligence. There 
was no neglect in warning Don Juan of this ; the Duke of York 
advised him that the least delay would give the convoy an oppor 
tunity of entering the lines. But, despite everything that could be 
said, the army did not move until towards noon. u The Prince de 
Ligne, General of the Cavalry, was at the head of the right wing, 
the Prince de Conde at the left, and the Duke of York, whom Don 
Juan had desired to perform that day the office of Mestre de Camp 
General, was at the head of the infantry. Don Juan and the Mar 
quess of Caracena marched before with their three companies of 
Guards, until, on arriving near the plain, they wished to take their 
siesta, 12 according to their custom. 

The army could only move slowly in a country so enclosed. 
Nevertheless the Duke of York had but one enclosure to cross in 
order to arrive on the plain with the infantry, when he saw the 
enemy's convoy which, descending from Montbernanson, was 
marching with all diligence to reach the lines. The Duke, then, 
having passed the last hedge put his infantry in order of battle ; 
and seeing that the Prince de Ligne was also on the plain with 
four or five squadrons, he sent to warn him of the convoy's ap 
proach, and that he had only to go forward and capture it all, the 
enemy having but three squadrons as escort. The Prince replied 
that he could see the thing as well as the Duke could, that nothing 
was easier than to seize the convoy, but that he durst not attack it 
without orders from Don Juan or the Marquess of Caracena. The 
Duke then went himself to find the Prince de Ligne and begged 
him not to lose so fair an opportunity by being too scrupulous; 
but he replied that he knew not how far Spanish severity would 
go ; that by attacking without orders, it might cost him his head ; 
especially if he did not succeed or if he should happen to receive 
the least reverse. The Duke replied that there was no ill success to 
be feared; that Monsieur de Turenne might indeed send out some 

11 The narrative in the Life is rather more amusing at this point: 'I am sure, some 
were not wanting to put Don Juan in mind of it, and myself for one; but wee 
began our march never the sooner for that advice* (p. 306). 

12 Cf. Life, p. 306: *. . . till they came within one Gloss of the plaine, and there 
according to their usuall custom took their Siesta (or afternoon's Sleep).' 

231 



CAMPAIGNS OF THE DUKE OF YORK 1657 

cavalry, but that he would not venture to send his infantry out of 
the lines. He added that if the Spaniards should happen to trouble 
him about this action, he consented to take all the blame of it on 
himself, and that the Prince might justly excuse himself on the 
ground of having done it only in obedience to the Duke since the 
latter was that day acting as Mestre de Camp General. But all 
these reasons availed nothing with the Prince de Ligne. The op 
portunity was lost. The convoy which recognised the danger re 
doubled its diligence; and when most of the waggons had entered 
within the lines, the three [Spanish] companies of Guards came to 
join the Prince de Ligne with orders to attack the convoy. He 
took with him only his own company of Guards. The Duke of 
York sent his. But the first four companies, which were led by the 
Count de Colmanar, Caracena's nephew, a young man without 
experience, marched forward so hastily and in such disorder that 
if the enemy's three squadrons had wished to dispute the ground, 
they would have beaten them. Berkeley, Captain of the Duke's 
Guards, seeing their bad manoeuvre, followed them in good order 
and was of great help to them; for the three French squadrons 
having been forced to hasten on, the Spaniards pursued them as 
imprudently as they had previously advanced against them, and 
engaged them pell mell even inside the lines, for the enemy had 
not had time to shut the barrier; but they came out more quickly 
than they had gone in and fled without stopping until they had 
got behind Berkeley's company which had advanced to within a 
musket shot of the lines. There they rallied, but became so prudent 
and phlegmatic that, without taking pride in keeping the post of 
honour which belonged to them, they left Berkeley the honour of 
forming the rear guard, and in this order they returned to join the 
army; this they found drawn up in order of battle on the plain, 
within a cannon's shot of the enemy; where, after remaining some 
time, it drew back a little to the rear and camped on Montbernan- 
son. 

The enemy did not lose a single waggon of their convoy. They 
had some few men killed, wounded or made prisoner. The Mar 
quis de Renty, a man of quality, and Tiernen or Quiernen who 
commanded the Regiment de Gesures, died of their wounds. 

The next day 13 the Duke of York had a conversation on parole 
13 The Life says 'the same evening'. 
232 



1657 THE SPANISH COUNCIL OF WAR 

with the Marquis d'Humieres and some other French officers who 
came out of their lines on purpose to find an opportunity of talking 
with the Duke. He had with him an officer named Tourville, who 
commanded one of the Prince de Conde's cavalry regiments. This 
officer was to have the guard with a Spanish regiment on the fol 
lowing day, at the foot of the heights that were within a cannon's 
shot of the [French] lines. He knew that the French would not 
fail to fire on them at daybreak ; and so he asked someone of his 
acquaintance, who were the Artillery officers in the French army. 
This man named them; whereupon Tourville asked him to pre 
sent his compliments to one of them who was a personal friend, 
and to desire him to point his cannon at the Spaniards who were 
to be on his right and to be good enough to spare the left where he 
himself would be. The thing was carried out as requested. The 
Spaniards were regaled with quite peculiar distinction ; they lost 
several men and horses before they were given orders to retire, 
and not a single shot was fired on Tourville's squadron. 

The Duke of York has since learned that Reynolds who com 
manded the English troops Cromwell had sent to France, had 
been informed of the arrival of the Spanish army at Calonne, and 
so had asked Monsieur de Turenne if he would simply give him 
two thousand horse to support his six thousand English foot, to 
go and attack them there ; hoping that the bravery of his infantry, 
who were accustomed to fighting in a country of hedges, would 
supply their want of numbers; but the General refused his con 
sent, judging the thing impracticable and that it was unfitting to 
hasard these troops in an enterprise so rash. 

After failing to capture the convoy, and considering that the 
enemy were too strong to allow of any hope of forcing their lines, 
the Spaniards deliberated 14 on what was to be done to oblige them 
to raise the siege, or what place could be attacked and taken be 
fore the enemy had achieved their design. The matter was decided 
at a Council of War which was held on the day following that of 
the arrival at Montbernanson. It was resolved to go and besiege 
Ardres; but the execution of this plan was delayed until the 2^th 

14 'On delibera . . .' Campagnes contains a superabundance of 'on', 'il' and 'ils*, 
where a more precise indication is often desirable. The text of the Life is better in this 
respect. In the present instance, e.g., the Life has 'wee consider'd what course wee 
should take to oblige the Enemy, . . .' I have not scrupled on occasion to insert 'the 
Spaniards' or 'the French 5 as the case may be. 

233 



CAMPAIGNS OF THE DUKE OF YORK 1657 

for fear lest the enemy, not having yet opened their trenches, might 
leave their present enterprise and come and engage Don Juan in 
battle against his will. This delay, the reason for which was poor, 
proved very prejudicial. Monsieur de Turenne lost no time; he 
opened his trenches the same night as the Spanish army arrived at 
Montbernanson. The Spaniards left on the 25th in the morning 
and arrived in front of Ardres before noon on the 2yth. They 
first made haste to establish their quarters so as to prevent any 
help entering the place where it was known that there were no 
more than three hundred foot; but that day and night were lost in 
working at a circumvallation, which in everyone's judgment was 
very useless; whereas if they had attacked the place that night, 
they would probably have carried it. 

The Spaniards are accustomed to flattering themselves easily on 
the success of their enterprises. The Marquess of Caracena's trum 
peter coming from the French army before St. Venant, reported 
that the place was not as hard pressed as was supposed; whence 
the Marquess concluded that it was unnecessary to make as much 
haste as he was being urged, in besieging Ardres. But there ar 
rived at the same time and with the same trumpeter a footman of 
the Duke of York's who had been several days in the enemy's 
camp and who assured the Spaniards that that very day or that 
night at latest, the place would be taken. Don Juan and the Mar 
quess refused to believe it and judged the thing impossible. 

This presumption and the negligence which had made them 
lose the opportunity of capturing the convoy that passed under 
their noses, exceedingly surprised the Duke of York who was not 
yet accustomed to Spanish formalities. 15 And this invites one to a 
digression which may come in here very appropriately, so as to 
cause less surprise at the faults they have been already seen com 
mitting and of those that will follow. Don Juan observed on Cam 
paign the same forms of gravity and reserve 16 as if he had been in 

15 Here follows in the Life (I, 311) a passage which. James omitted from the 
Campagnes: 

'And I remember, that complaining to the Prince of Conde of the first of these 
errours, the night after the Convoy was gotten into the Enemys Line, I was answer'd 
by him, That he well saw I was Stranger to the proceedings of that Spanish Army, 
but that I was to prepare myself to see more and grosser faults committed by them, 
before the end of that Campagne; And so it prov'd, as the Reader will have occasion 
to observe.' 

16 The Life has 'gravity and retirdness', which perhaps conveys the nuance better. 

234 



1657 EON JUAN AND THE MARQUESS OF CARACENA 

Brussels. He was everywhere equally difficult of access. He and 
also the Marquess of Caracena, as has already been observed, 
were asleep very near the plain when the convoy was passing. 
Their servants who saw it coming down the hill, as did the rest of 
the army, never durst awaken them to warn them of it. But what 
is still more surprising is that Don Juan and the Marquess, who 
both had much good sense and wit and bravery, could be attached 
to formalities which they well knew to be prejudicial to their 
master's service and their own reputation. 

The Marquess was a very good officer, had served for a long 
time, had passed through all the degrees 17 and owed his fortune to 
his merit; and had not Don Juan had, so to speak, the misfortune 
of being brought up as a Son of Spain, he was endued with quali 
ties which could have made him a great man. But their scrupulous 
formalities ruined everything. When the army was on the march, 
they never rode at the head of it, except when in presence of the 
enemy. When half the troops were still out of camp, they would 
get on horseback and ride at the head of their three companies of 
Guards straight to the quarters which had been marked out for 
them, without troubling about the army, or taking pains to recon 
noitre the situation of the ground or to know where the generals 
had their quarters ; so, in case of an alarm or on the approach of 
the enemy, they knew nothing of the Camp, nor where the main 
guard was, nor the advance guards. Don Juan was most often 
accustomed, on arriving at his quarters, to go to bed. He supped 
there and did not rise until the morning. When the army was not 
marching he seldom went out or got on horseback, 18 

But to return to the siege of Ardres. On the 28th a Council of 
War was held in the Marquess of Caracena's quarters to resolve 
on what side the place should be attacked. When the generals 
were assembled they were all taken to the top of a tower that was 
there and were asked to reconnoitre the place with optic glasses; 19 
and without any closer examination it was resolved that the Spani 
ards should attack a half moon between two bastions ; that the 

17 'avoit . . . pass par tons les degrez.' The Life has 'pass'd through all the degrees', 
i.e., risen from the lowest commissioned rank. 

18 In the MS. Camfagnes the whole of this digression is marked with a line in the 
margin. In the Life, the following remark is added: 'so that the Major Generalls, in 
effect, did all the office of the Generalls.' 

19 'lunettes d'approche,' i.e., telescopes. The Life (p. 3 1 2) has 'perspective glasses'. 

235 



CAMPAIGNS OF THE DUKE OF YORK 1657 

Duke of York should attack the bastion on the right, and the 
Prince de Conde that on the left; and that, so as to lose no time, 
they should take measures to attach the miner to the body of the 
place that same night. 

The Duke of York and the Prince de Conde, not being satisfied 
with having seen the place from the top of the tower, went to re 
connoitre it more closely. Don Juan and the Marquess did not go 
in person to reconnoitre where they were to attack, they only sent 
a Major de battaille 20 to bring them an account of it; it not being 
the custom of the Spanish generals to expose themselves on such 
occasions. All things being now ready, the army opened the attack 
as soon as it was night, on a signal from Don Juan's quarters. The 
besieged had no men to defend the approaches, and so the troops 
advanced to the edge of the ditch, where they secured a lodgment 
before attempting to attach the miner. For the Duke of York's 
attack his own regiment was employed; Lord Muskerry who 
commanded it had a captain and a few soldiers from other bat 
talions to strengthen him. The Duke took care to send him fas 
cines and everything that he needed, and then went to visit the 
operations with the Duke of Gloucester. He found that Muskerry 
had ordered everything as it should be, that he had almost finished 
his lodgment at the edge of the ditch, facing the point of the 
bastion, and that he had already lodged the body of the battalion 
in the ditch of the ravelin which covered the point of the bastion. 
The Duke thought it was now time to attach the miner; but per 
ceiving by moonlight that there was water in the bottom of the 
ditch, he sent a sergeant to sound it ; who reported that the water 
was not deep enough to prevent the passage of the miners. He 
sent them down into the ditch with a sergeant and a few soldiers 
to carry the madriers 21 by means of which they were to lodge them 
selves. Day now beginning to dawn, the Duke of York and the 
Duke of Gloucester withdrew and returned to their quarters. No 
details will be given of the other attacks ; one may simply say that 
as they had had the same success and attached their miners, it was 
not doubted but that the place would surrender in less than 
twenty-four hours. Word was taken to Don Juan and the Mar 
quess of Caracena who were in their coach behind their attacking 

20 I retain this expression which is used also in the English text of the Life. 

21 Large planks. The French word 'MadrierV is used in the Life (I, 3 14). 

236 



1657 WITHDRAWAL FROM ARDRES 

positions and out of cannon shot of the enemy, that the Prince de 
Conde and the Duke of York had been to visit the operations of 
their own men. Don Juan replied; No hazen bien, which means, 
They act not wisely. 

In the morning a little after sunrise, there came news that St. 
Venant was taken and that Monsieur de Turenne was advancing 
to relieve Ardres. A Junta was immediately assembled and it was 
at once resolved to raise the siege. The difficulty was to withdraw 
the troops from the attacking positions ; there had been no time to 
make siege works and trenches for communication ; so they could 
only draw back in the open. The operation began by bringing 
back the miners, which was done in the Duke's position 22 by the 
care of Lord Muskerry. Before communicating to the officers who 
were with him anything of the orders he had received, he [Mus 
kerry] sent word to the miners to return as best they could and 
that, to cover their retreat, he would have his men open heavy fire 
on the besieged. He caused his soldiers to believe he was with 
drawing them because he had been warned that that place was 
countermined ; and the miners, under cover of heavy fire from the 
musketry, reached the lodgment without mishap. He then told 
his men about the order he had received, and commanded them to 
retire, when he should give the word, with all possible diligence to 
a place he showed them, out of musket shot, where they were to 
rally. The Duke of York on his side ordered a lieutenant with 
thirty horsemen 23 to approach the place as near as possible without 
exposing himself until he saw the soldiers returning from the 
attacking position, and then to gallop among them in order to 
bring away any officers or men who might fall wounded. The Duke 
followed them to see his orders executed and found that while 
his soldiers were drawing back from the attack, the lieutenant 
and his horsemen were stationed quietly behind a hedge within 
musket shot of the town. The Duke galloped up to the lieutenant 
to repeat the order he had given ; the other obeyed and to make 
amends for his neglect rode to the edge of the ditch ; and although 
the besieged opened heavy fire, no officers except Captain Knight 24 

22 'a 1'attaque du Due/ i.e., in the position which his attacking troops had occupied. 

23 'trente Maistres.' Certainty mounted men, probabty not N.C.O.S. 

24 The Life reads: 'Captain Kinf ', for which the editor suggests 'Keith'. The MS. 
has 'Knight', the/ having been inserted in dark ink as a correction. The rest of this 
paragraph, differs markedly from the corresponding passage in the Life. 

237 



CAMPAIGNS OF THE DUKE OF YORK 1657 

and but a few soldiers were wounded, and none died, which was as 
fortunate as it was extraordinary. A few miners were lost from the 
other attacks. After the troops had everywhere drawn back with 
very little loss, the baggage train was sent towards Gravelines and 
the whole army followed. This march was extremely painful. On 
arriving at the edge of the lowlands, they were obliged to halt until 
the cannon and baggage were on the dike or causeway which leads 
from Polincour to Gravelines and which the heavy rains had made 
almost impassable. The rain that continued without ceasing, the 
tempest^ the darkness of the night, the road heavy with mud and 
the frequent halts they had to make, distressed the troops and 
threw them into so great a disorder that it was impossible for the 
officers to prevent their breaking ranks and seeking cover where 
they could. In the morning there were not ten men together in any 
one regiment; all that could be done was to reassemble them next 
day. On the 3oth the army camped at Broukerke. The French 
army had its share of bad weather on the night it marched across 
the plain from St. Omer to Ardres, when the Spanish army raised 
the siege. 

On the 3 ist the Spanish army passed the Colme, and the troops 
were quartered at Drinkam and in the surrounding villages, to 
recover a little from their great fatigue. The country was so en 
closed that it would have been very difficult to camp in battle 
order; but the enemy was so far off that there was no risk. On the 
2nd of September the army marched towards Mont Cassel and, 
the troops having been quartered in the neighbouring villages, 
they remained until the yth. Then, having learned that Monsieur 
de Turenne was near La Motte-aux-Bois, the army marched to 25 
Wormhout, where they had news on the 1 2th that the French had 
taken La Motte-aux-Bois and were approaching now for the 
second time. The Spaniards therefore repassed the Colme next 
day with the resolution of defending the passage of that river and 
camped along its banks. They were posted from the Fort of Linck 
nearly as far as Likere; the Duke of York's line extended from the 
place where the Spanish quarters ended to as far as Bergue sur 
Vinox, 26 and the Prince de Condi's as far as Bergue itself. All the 
bridges were broken and earthworks were raised behind the fords 

25 Not 'from 5 , as the Life says. 

26 And not 'bergue, St. Vinos' as in the Life. 

238 



1657 THE SIEGE OF MARDYCK 

until the i yth, when it was learned that Monsieur de Turenne was 
advancing to take them on the flank, he having passed the Colme 
above Linck. Most of the native Spanish regiments with some 
cavalry were at once detached to occupy Gravelines. The three 
Italian regiments commanded by Don Tito del Prato were sent to 
the fort of Mardyck; and the rest of the army drew back behind 
the canal that runs from Bergue to Dunkirk; the Prince de Conde 
having his quarters at Bergue, Don Juan at Dunkirk, and the 
Duke of York at Coukerk; 27 and cannon were planted all along 
the canal where they found batteries all ready. 

A day or two after the Spaniards had left the Colme, the French 
arrived before Mardyck and laid siege to it. This was partly in 
fulfilment of the treaty with Cromwell by which they pledged 
themselves to put into his hands some maritime town in Flanders, 
and Mardyck was the only one they could attack so late in the 
season ; because great care had been taken to provide Gravelines 
and Dunkirk with everything necessary for a long and vigorous 
defence. 28 

The Duke of York, who was intending to observe the enemy 
when they arrived before Mardyck, took with him the Horse 
Guards who were outside the gates of Dunkirk and advancing to 
within cannon shot of the city, 29 he left the Guards behind to se 
cure his retreat in case he should be pursued. He then, with fifteen 
officers and other men well mounted, rode up so near to the French 
army that some officers of the Regiment of Picardy, which was on 
the march, advanced some way and fired on him with the fusils 30 
they were carrying when on horseback. When they reached the 
quarter which had been assigned them 31 and the soldiers began to 
build their huts, these officers and several from other regiments 
rode out again to drive back the Duke ; but some of them who 
came nearer this Prince recognised a big greyhound they had 
seen with him in France and asked if the Duke of York was there. 
When they were told that he was, they cried out Sur parole, desir 
ing to speak with him. He then stopped, and found among them 
several persons of the first quality who were all of old acquaint- 

27 Probably Oudekerke. 

28 This part in the Life is verbose and repetitive. 

29 Obviously Mardyck, and not, as in the Life (p. 3 1 8), Dunkirk. 

30 The word used in the Life. 

31 The position which this French regiment was to occupy in the siege of Mardyck. 

239 



CAMPAIGNS OF THE DUKE OF YORK 1657 

ance. They alighted from their horses; the Prince did the same; 
and they conversed together for nearly an hour until Monsieur de 
Turenne ordered them to come back. There were quite two or 
three hundred officers : the Marquis d'Humieres, the Comte de 
Guiche, Castelnau, indeed most of the persons of quality and 
notable officers in the French army. The Duke of York had no 
more than twenty persons with him, among whom was a Spanish 
officer of horse who, seeing him turn back when he heard himself 
named, was surprised and asked what he intended to do. The 
Duke ordered him to remain beside him, and said that no one had 
anything to fear. This episode is related particularly that it may 
be observed what civility is used in that country even between 
enemies or persons of opposed parties, and that the Duke, al 
though in the service of Spain, had no fewer friends in the French 
army. Some English who were present at this conversation wished 
to follow the same example, and they fared ill for it as will be seen 
hereafter. The Duke of York does not positively know whether 
the Spaniards took umbrage at these courtesies ; but at the end of 
the campaign Monsieur de Marsin advised him, personally, to 
abstain from them henceforth. He told him that the Spanish 
character is suspicious and circumspect; and that, although they 
gave no sign of it, they might not be at all satisfied. The Duke of 
York replied that if his behaviour aroused their disquiet, they 
were much in the wrong; that they had been unable to observe in 
his conduct during the whole campaign anything but great 
fidelity and application in their service; that he would always con 
tinue in the same way, and that in the event of a fight he would 
attack anyone of his acquaintance in the same way as even the 
most zealous Spaniard might do. But, he added, as for conversing 
when opportunity offered with persons who had served so long 
with him, he thought he could give himself this satisfaction with 
out being of prejudice to the Spaniards; and that, to show them 
that he had no other intention than of following the customs of or 
dinary civility, he had not suffered any of the Prince de Condi's 
officers to be with him on such occasions, because he did not think 
it reasonable that they should be there and that the Spaniards 
might justly think ill of it. The Duke always after that observed 
the same circumspection when he wished the officers of the French 
army to enter into conversation with him. 
240 



1657 THE SIEGE OF MARDYCK 

On arriving before Mardyck the French set to work immediate 
ly on their lines on the Dunkirk side and on the approaches to the 
fort. The forage in the neighbourhood having been eaten up, they 
were obliged next morning to go and look for some on three great 
farms which were at only a half cannon shot from the Spanish 
trenches: these had been preserved through the influence their 
owners 32 had with some officers of the Spanish army. There was 
even a regular guard 33 to prevent anyone's touching them. The 
commander of this guard, when he saw the French approaching 
with horse and foot, could not but judge for what purpose they 
were coming. But, following the laudable custom of the Spaniards, 
he drew back without daring to set fire to the farms, because he 
had received no order to do so. 

The cannon in the Spanish lines opened fire when the vanguard 
of the enemy approached. The Duke of York, whose quarters 
were only half a mile from there, galloped up and found that the 
French were already working to get cover and entrench them 
selves 34 so as to defend themselves in case of attack. Meeting the 
Prince de Ligne who was that day filling the office of Mestre de 
Camp General, the Duke asked him what he intended to do and 
whether he wished to let the enemy forage quietly in front of his 
eyes. The Prince replied in his usual way, that without the orders 
of the Marquess of Caracena or of Don Juan, he durst undertake 
nothing. Thereupon the Duke answered that before they could 
arrive, the French would be entrenched and it would no longer be 
possible to dislodge them or to burn the forage. The other res 
ponded that that was true, but he would undertake nothing with 
out positive orders. The Duke told him that he was himself going 
to attack the enemy with his own troops and asked the Prince only 
to draw up his infantry along the line. But the other replied that, 
the bridge being in the Spanish quarter, he could not permit him 
to pass that way, because if there was anything to be done it was 
for the Spaniards to do it. Thus all these proposals served no pur 
pose, and while orders were awaited from Dunkirk, the French 
foraged without being disturbed by anything but the cannon 

32 They were relatives of the Spanish officers (Life, p. 320). 

33 A horse guard of about 100 men (Life, p. 320). 

34 The Life says they 'were beginning to lodge themselves at the farme houses, and 
preparing for their own security . . .' (p. 321). 

241 



CAMPAIGNS OF THE DUKE OF YORK 1657 

which kept firing on them. The noise brought the Prince de 
Conde from Bergues. The Duke of York at once informed him of 
what had passed between himself and the Prince de Ligne. The 
Prince de Conde was not at all surprised, and assured the Duke 
that when he had served with the Spaniards as long as he, the 
Prince, had, he would get accustomed to seeing them commit 
many great faults without being astonished. The enemy having 
foraged as long as they pleased drew back, leaving behind them 
about one hundred horses that the cannon had killed. It is not 
known how many men they lost, but no dead bodies were found, 
whether because they had taken them away or because they had 
buried them on the spot in some place which could not be discovered. 

Two or three days later the fort of Mardyck surrendered, and, 
in accordance with the treaty with Cromwell, it was put next day 
into the hands of Reynolds; and shortly afterwards the French, 
having repaired the breaches and filled in the trenches, marched 
back to quarters in their own country for rest and forage. The 
Spanish army continued in camp where they were, and it was an 
nounced that they would retake Mardyck. The sickness caused by 
the unhealthful air was so general that, except for the native-born 
Spaniards, few officers and soldiers escaped fevers 35 and more than 
half were at one and the same time incapable of doing duty. The 
troops commanded by the Duke of York suffered the worst; he 
himself was almost the only person among the officers or volun 
teers of quality, or the members of his household, who was not 
attacked. The Duke of Gloucester left the army, sick; and the 
Prince de Conde was hold en with such a fever that the doctors 
feared for his life. Soon after this the King of England came to 
Dunkirk to solicit Don Juan concerning some private business 
and to remind him of some promises which he had made his 
Majesty in relation to England. 

The English in Mardyck started repairing the old fortifica 
tions round that fortress, work which was all the more easy as the 
ditches had not been filled in and only a small part of the parapet 
had been levelled. Don Juan being warned of this resolved to 
march there one night with the whole army in order to destroy in a 
single day 36 the defence works which they had been building for a 

35 '. . . few . . ., excepting only the natural! Spaniards escap'd agues* (Life). 
86 en un jour.' Apparently an oversight. The Life has 'in the space of a night'. 

242 



1657 THE SPANISH ATTACK MARDYCK 

month. This was more out of ostentation and to make his men be 
lieve that he designed to retake the fort, than from any hope of 
success. 

The day having been appointed for this expedition, he marched 
out of Dunkirk at the head of the army and accompanied by the 
King of England. The darkness was so great that they had to 
proceed by torchlight; which when the enemy perceived, they 
thought the Spaniards were going to storm the place or at the least 
lay siege to it, and they prepared to defend themselves by lighting 
torches round the fort. When the army arrived within rather less 
than cannon shot, they extinguished their torches. His Majesty, 
Don Juan, and the Marquess of Caracena then halted with the 
cavalry, while the infantry was advancing. The Spaniards, com 
manded by * * * 37 Mar6chal de Bataille, marched to that part of 
the outworks that looked towards Dunkirk; the Comte de Marsin 
with the Prince de Condi's foot, to the part that looks towards 
Gravelines ; and the Duke of York, at the head of his troops, posted 
himself between the two. When they approached the fort, the 
enemy kept up a continual fire of cannon and musketry, and the 
little frigates that were in the canal 38 did not cease firing either. 
The infantry suffered very little because they got straight into the 
shelter of the old outworks; but the balls which passed over their 
heads fell among the cavalry and killed men and horses. His 
Majesty having gone forward to see what the infantry were doing, 
the Duke of Ormond who was with him had his horse killed under 
him by a cannon shot. Each corps, on arriving at its position, sent 
its workmen forward with soldiers to support them; but the ditch 
was too deep in the Duke of York's position and he was obliged to 
send them round to where the Spaniards were to attack. In the mean 
time he had the ditch filled with fascines 39 and caused a passage over 
to be made so that he could support them if the enemy made a sortie. 
While the workmen were beginning to raze the fortifications, 40 the 
soldiers who had been detached in support kept up a continual 
fire on the enemy, and continued to do this until early dawn when, 

37 There is also a blank in the Life (p. 323). 

38 This *fosse', presumably a canal running inland from the sea, was called *the 
Splinter' (Life, p. 323). 

39 The military term: they were bundles of faggots. 

40 'applanir les ouvrages.' 

243 



CAMPAIGNS OF THE DUKE OF YORK 1657 

the outworks being razed, the army drew off in good order and 
arrived at Dunkirk when it was beginning to be broad daylight. 
The enemy were surely more surprised by the retreat than the 
attack, and they so little expected the Spaniards to retire so soon 
that they were still firing when the troops had been gone a good 
half-hour. There were not more than twenty horsemen, a captain 
of Gloucester's regiment and three or four soldiers killed; there 
were eight or ten wounded. The English in the fort, as was learned 
since, had only one man killed. And they believed so firmly that 
they would be besieged that they dispatched a messenger to Mon 
sieur de Turenne to warn him of it. He assembled his troops who 
were in forage quarters and began to march to their help ; but, on 
being advised that the Spaniards had drawn off, he returned to his 
quarters. 

A few days after this an attempt was made to seize the English 
frigates which were lying in the canal. The first design had been 
to burn them, 41 but this being judged too difficult, it was resolved 
to try and surprise the two larger ones, the 'Rose' and the 'True 
Love', which mounted six or eight cannon each. For this action 
twelve shallops were armed and sent out in very calm weather. 
Don Juan warned the King and the Duke of York and they went 
along the shore accompanied by all the persons of quality and the 
principal officers to see what success the enterprise would meet 
with. There was a kind of mist. When they came over against the 
frigates, an English seaman was heard calling out: 'What ship's 
boat is that?'; and on no one's replying, this man, seeing another 
shallop that was going to board the frigate, raised the alarm and 
fired a cannon shot which broke the leg of one of the rowers. This 
accident and a few musket balls that were fired at the same time 
terrified the shallops which drew off shamefully without attempt 
ing anything further. 

Since Reynolds had seen the civilities which the French took 
pleasure in showing the Duke of York when they found an oppor 
tunity of speaking with him, he also desired to have one; and hav 
ing, for this purpose, roamed several times in the direction where 
he knew the English were accustomed to ride when they came out 
of the town 42 on horseback, he one day sent for Lord Newbourgh 

41 By means of fire-ships. The Life explains why this plan was impracticable (p. 325). 

42 Presumably Dunkirk. 

244 



1657 THE DUKE MEETS CROMWELL'S GENERAL 

and Colonel Richard Talbot. The former had by chance received 
great civilities from Reynolds on several occasions in England, 
and Talbot was under obligation to him for having saved his life 
in Ireland. This caused them willingly to enter into parley with 
him. After some discourse he asked them if the Duke of York did 
not come sometimes to take the air that way; and on their replying 
that he came fairly often, he said that if the Duke was willing that 
Reynolds should have the honour of speaking with him, as he did 
with them, that would give him great pleasure. They promised to 
propose this to the Duke and said they thought he would make no 
difficulty. On their return they informed the King and the Duke, 
who riding out that way more often than they had been accus 
tomed to. Lord Newbourgh asked his Majesty's permission to go 
and speak to Reynolds. This being granted, he asked George 
Hamilton to accompany him, and riding up to the mounted sentry 
of the Mardyck garrison, told him to have his General advised that 
he desired to speak with him. Reynolds came at once, having with 
him only a gentleman named Mr. Crew, and first asked Lord 
Newbourgh who were the men he could see some way off against 
a dune. The other only named the Duke of York, whereupon Rey 
nolds asked, 'Can I not then go and speak to him?' Newbourgh 
sent Mr. Hamilton to the King and the Duke to inform them of 
what Reynolds desired. His Majesty ordered the Duke to go. He 
took with him only Hamilton and Berkeley the Captain of his 
Guards. As soon as Reynolds saw him advancing he came to meet 
him, and was going to alight to salute him [on foot] ; but Crew 
dissuaded him. Except for that, he conducted himself with much 
civility and respect. He began to discourse with great compli 
ments, addressed the Duke as Highness and prayed him not to 
regard him as sent by Cromwell but as being in the service of 
France ; adding that he was as much disposed as any Frenchman 
to render him the respect that was his due. The Duke replied as 
civilly as he could, considering him a man who might one day be 
very useful. It even appeared to him that Reynolds had something 
to say that he did not wish Crew to hear; but as Crew was too 
close, he used obscure expressions which showed that he hoped to 
be able one day to render service to the Duke. The conversation 
lasted nearly a half hour and they separated well satisfied on both 
sides. It is not known what intentions Reynolds may have had ; but 

245 



CAMPAIGNS OF THE DUKE OF YORK 

this interview and other civilities which he showed the King and 
the Duke cost him dear. He forbade the frigates to fire when either 
of them was riding by the sea; he sent presents of wine to Lord 
Newbo-urgh asking him to dispose of it to those of whom New- 
bourgh knew he felt much respect. Some officers who were serv 
ing under him took umbrage at this; Cromwell was advertised of 
it; and a Colonel named White chartered a vessel expressly to go 
and accuse him. Reynolds being informed of it embarked on the 
same vessel to justify himself. But a shipwreck settled their differ 
ence. 43 The negligence of the ship's master was cause of it. A fri 
gate warned him by several cannon shots that if he did not change 
course he would be stranded on the sand-banks called the Good 
wins ; but whether because he scorned the signal or did not hear it, 
he ran on to the bank and not a man was saved. 

It has been known since then that Cromwell had been so much 
offended by what Reynolds had done that he was resolved to order 
him to England and to deprive him of his command, 44 if he did not 
clear himself of suspicion by offering good reasons; but the acci 
dent that befell him finished everything. A certain Colonel^ Lock- 
hart, a Scotsman who had married a relation of Cromwell's, suc 
ceeded to Reynolds' command. 

The King, having finished what he had to do with Don Juan 
and the Marquess of Caracena, went to Bruges and then to Ghent 
and Brussels. The Duke of York remained at Dunkirk in com 
mand of the army. The Spaniards had been still keeping the popu 
lation in the hope that they would retake Mardyck, with a view 
more easily to obtaining a large subsidy from the Province of 
Flanders; and to make this appear more likely, great magazines 

43 'rnais un NaufFrage les mit d'accord'-a cynical remark (not in the Life) which 
reminds one of La Fontaine's cat who when acting as judge of two small animals, 
'. . . mit les plaideurs d'accord en croquant 1'un et 1'autre.' 

^James's interpretation of this episode must be regarded as extremely doubtful. 
John Reynolds was a Cambridgeshire man, who had made his reputation as an ex 
cellent officer in Ireland and had been knighted by Cromwell, prior to being sent to 
France as commander of the forces that were assisting Turenne. He had married 
Elisabeth Russell, a sister-in-law of Henry Cromwell; and thus, like others of Crom 
well's generals, including Sir William Lockhart, he had become closely associated 
with the Protector's family. These circumstances make it very unlikely that he was 
disloyal. It seems certain that he exchanged 'civilities' with James, which the latter 
probably misunderstood. It is true, of course, that he died at sea soon after the inter 
views described. Apart from this, James's account of the affair is to be treated with 
scepticism. 

246 



1657 WINTER QUARTERS 

were established of fascines and gabions 45 and all things necessary 
for a siege. Nevertheless the order was given to send the troops 
into winter quarters on New Year's Day ; and the Duke who had 
remained all that time at Dunkirk, returned to Brussels a few 
days after Don Juan and the Marquess of Caracena had arrived 
there. 



46 From the Italian 'gabbione'. They were wicker baskets full of earth. 

247 



B 



EING now come to Bruxelles in the beginning of January, 
1658, I made no long stay in that City; for so soon as I had 
dispatched my small affaires, I went to my sister who was at 
Breda, where my Brother the Duke of Glocester had been already 
for some time to recover of his ague, which at my arriuall had just 
left him. After I had remain'd there till the midle of February, wee 
went all three together to Antwerp there to meet his Majesty. 

While wee resided in that place, there were strong reports of 
something to be undertaken in England; and that all things were 
in such a readiness, that at the breaking of the frost, when the Six 
flutes 1 which were brought in Holland could come to Ostend, 
Soldiers should be put immediately on boord them, who together 
with some men of war, which lay ready there and at Dunkirk, were 
to be landed in some part of England, where it was also said wee 
had intelligence offerees which would joyn ours at their arrivall: 
But at the same time there were others who were so far from giving 
credit to those rumours, that they were of opinion nothing could 
be done: for looking more deeply into the matter they saw^that 
both the King and the Spaniards, by these reports, aim'd on either 
side to excuse themselves for non performance of the Treaty made 
betwixt them; tho 'tis true the Spaniards by not performing their 
part, render'd it impossible for the King to comply with his en 
gagements, at least to do what otherwise he might haue done. 

And now while this discourse was at the hottest, the Earle of 
Bristoll having almost quite lost himself with the Spanish Mini 
sters, was endeavouring his uttmost to ingratiate himself with the 
Prince of Conde; who at that time also, had neither any great 
esteem nor kindness for him. Being full of his design, he came one 
day to me in the Princesse's chamber, and began a discourse with 

* Reprinted from the Life, I, 330-368. The MS. Compares is an almost word- 
for-word translation of this section. 

1 Flute. From French 'flute'; cf. Dutch 'fluit'. It was a warship used as a troop 
carrier. The CLE.D. cites the London Gazette, No. 77/2 (1666): 'Two Men of War 
. . . with three Flutes of 1 8 or 20 Guns.' 

248 



1658 THE DUKE AT ANTWERP 

me concerning the busines of England : After a long conversation 
with me upon that subject, he sayd, That tho he doubted not but 
our designs there would meet with the desired success, yet he (//) 
would not be amiss to think before hand, what wee should do in 
case of a miscarriage; and that one of the things which he thought 
most necessary to be look'd after (which also more immediatly 
concern'd me) was to consider of some meanes to preserve the 
troopes which wee had already, and to increase their numbers by 
all the meanes wee could imagine ; which if done, would render me 
more considerable with the Spaniard, besides the common advan 
tage which would redound to the Royall party; That for the present 
he had nothing to propose towards the compassing of this design, 
but desir'd me to take it seriously into my thoughts, and he would 
also do the like; and that in case I would permitt him, he will 
speak with me again, when he had any thing in a readiness to 
offer: Thus wee parted, and he spoke no more to me upon that 
Subject during two or three days. 

In the mean time this discourse had given me a very hott 
allarm, not doubting that I should haue some extraordinary pro 
position made to me, which would not be to my advantage: and 
that consideration put me upon ghessing of what nature it might 
be: It happened as I was rowling over these things in my imagina 
tion, one of my Servants told me of a discourse, which an Officer 
belonging to the Prince of Conde had held with him some days 
before; by the relation of which, I immediatly ghess'd what would 
be propos'd to me, and accordingly gave my Sister the knowledge 
of it; advising with her, what answer I should make when it 
should be ofFer'd to me. 

A day or two after this, the Earle of Bristoll came again to me, 
and after another eloquent preambule, and a protestation that 
what he was going to propose to me was not only for his Maties 
Service, but for my particular advantage; in short his proposition 
was, That his Maty should joyn his troopes to those of the Princd 
of Gond, by which means they would be So considerable, that the 
Spaniards must be forced by necessity to comply with the pro 
mises, which they had made to the King for the recruiting of his 
forces, which it was apparent they had no inclination to do, having 
no great care or consideration of those which he already had; 
That as to what concern'd the command which I should haue, 

i 249 



CAMPAIGNS OF THE DUKE OF YORK 1658 

there might be care taken to accommodate it, the Prince of Conde 
being very easy to live withall, and having a great esteem of me. 

He us'd these and many other arguments to perswade me to be 
of his opinion: To which I answer'd, That it was a busines of 
great importance, and ought to be Seriously weigh'd, before any 
resolution could be taken in it; that accordingly I would consider 
of it, and speak with him again. I say no more to him at that time, 
that he might not perceive the dislike I had of it. When he was 
gone, I not a litle troubled how to govern myself in this affaire ; for 
I saw very well it was a snare layd for me: If I should haue ap- 
prov'd the proposition, I had certainly lost my self with the 
Spaniards, who would haue taken it very ill, that I should haue put 
them upon the hardship of refusing any thing to the Prince of 
Conde, who was then So Strong, and So necessary to them; and I 
my self could not but be unwilling to consent to a thing, which 
would haue been prejudiciable to my reputation: for tho I had 
serv'd in Severall capacities under Monsr. de Turenne, I did not 
think that after having served so long, and commanded the King 
my Brother's forces the year before, it became me to come under 
any other person. On the other side, if I had openly discovered any 
aversion to it, I should haue exposed my self to the ill offices, 
which might haue been done me with his Maty upon that account; 
by their representing to him, that for a punctilio of my own, I was 
willing to obstruct what was intended for his Seruice, and also I 
should haue had the Prince of Conde my Enemy: all which con 
siderations, together with the confidence I had that the Spaniards 
would never consent to such a proposition, whensoever it should 
be made to them, strengthen'd me in the resolution of appearing 
wholly passive in the matter, so as neither to put it forward nor 
obstruct it. 2 

Some time after this his Maty went to Bruxelles, and I with my 
Sister return'd to Breda, where having stayd with her three or four 
[days], I went back to Bruxelles to waite on the King: So Soon as 
I was return'd, they began again to talk with me concerning that 
affaire; And one day particularly, the King call'd me and My 
Lord Bristoll into the Chancellor's closett, where the matter was 

2 These four paragraphs, describing Lord Bristol's machinations and James's em 
barrassment, are translated very closely and even literally in the MS. Camfagnes (pp. 
232-235). 

250 



!6 5 8 THE DUKE AT BRUSSELS 

debated; And I who since my return thither, was more then ever 
confirm'd in my opinion, that the Spaniards wou'd never be in 
duced to suffer it: Accordingly I spoke but litle, and at length it 
was concluded amongst them, that the Earle of Bristoll should 
conferr with the Lord Barklay (Berkley), how to propose it to the 
Spaniards, and after what manner the whole affaire was to be con 
ducted. In order to this, they two had a meeting once about it, and 
no more; for by this time My Lord Bristoll began to see, that it 
was a matter not to be effected: because the Prince of Cond6, 
having considered that it would give great umbrage to the Spani 
ards, and withall finding that it could not possibly be compass'd, 
went himself to Don John, and acquainted him with the proposi 
tion which the Earle of Bristoll had made to him, at the same time 
shewing his own dislike to it. That Conversation made an end of 
the whole affaire, and of the Small remaining credit of My Lord 
Bristoll with Don John and the Spanish Ministers : But on the 
other side, gave them a very good impression of me; for inquiring 
into the bottom of it, they easily found the great aversion I had to 
it: But as it prov'd of advantage to me in relation to the Spaniards, 
so he (it) did me harm with the Prince of Conde, who ever after 
wards quite alter'd his way of living with me; and on the contrary 
liv'd much better then he had done the year before with all those, 
whom he knew to be no freinds to me and to my concernments. 

In the begining of the spring, as soon as the frost was broken, 
the Six flutes above mention'd were taken by the English, be 
twixt Holland and Ostend; and so a conclusion was put to all the 
discourse of attempting any thing in England for that year. 

All our thoughts at Bruxelles were now taken up with our pre 
parations for the ensuing Campagne; and, as the time of action 
was approching, the Spaniards applyd their greatest care in pro 
viding for those places, which they judg'd were in greatest danger 
of being beseiged by the French Army: for all our Intelligence 
agreed, that this year the Enemy would undertake some consider 
able Seige. The thought of this gave great perplexity to the 
Spaniards; for not having a body of foot sufficient to man^ their 
important fronteer towns, as they ought to haue been furnish'd, 
they were forced to leave some of them very slightly guarded. 

His Maty press'd them very much to recruit Dunkirk with a 

251 



CAMPAIGNS OF THE DUKE OF YORK 1658 

strong garrison, letting them know, that he was assur'd by his 
letters from England, and by others which he had found means to 
intercept from thence. That the first thing the French would un 
dertake would be to beseige that Town, they being press'd to it by 
Cromwell ; and that accordingly both in France and England all 
things were preparing for it: And this was not only once said to 
them, but repeated every week, as the letters which were sent from 
England still confirm'd it: But all these advertisements wrought 
no effect upon the Spanish Councells ; they giving litle credit to 
them, as being perswaded that the intelligence was false, and that 
such reports were contrived artificially by the Enemy, to oblige 
them to leave Cambray, or some other of their inland Towns, un 
provided of defence; what had happen'd the year before, at the 
place last mentioned, had rais'd such apprehensions in them as out- 
weigh'd all the reasons which had been given them by the King : 
And besides, they beleev'd, the Cardinal had still a longing to that 
Town, so that neither his Treaty with Cromwell, or any other con 
sideration, would hinder him from undertaking that Seige, unless 
it were so well provided for, and secured against him, as to render 
it too difficult a peice of work: With these and other reasons, 
rather plausible then strong, they flatter'd themselves into a be- 
leef, that Dunkirk was not in any danger of being attacked that 
year. Wherupon they did not only leave it very slenderly guarded, 
but also without furnishing it with such a proportion of ammuni 
tion as was requisit; at the same time disposing most of their foot 
into the Towns of Artois, as Ayre and St Omer, and into the fron- 
teer places of Haynault, and reinforcing the garrison of Cambray 
with a considerable body of horse and foot; but as for Dunkirk, 
they added nothing to the ordinary garrison. Neither was this all, 
for they neglected the finishing of two Forts of four bastions each, 
which they had begun upon the Canal betwixt that and Bergue, 
which if they had once perfected and man'd, would haue render'd 
the Seige of Dunkirk a much more difficult peice of work; for the 
Enemy must of necessity haue mastered one of these two Forts, 
before they could haue begun a formall Seige. 

I cannot forbear upon this occasion, to make this remarque, 
araising from what I have observ'd when I was either in the French 
or Spanish Army; That of all the Fortifications of this nature, or 
Intrenchments for the defence of Rivers, I never Saw any which 
252 



1658 THE SIEGE OF DUNKIRK 

the Spaniards made, that were of great advantage to them ; for 
either they were not finished time enough to defend them, or were 
rendered useless by the French marching about, and falling into 
their flanque, as I have already mention'd in the year 1655, when 
Monsr. de Turenne endeavoured not to force the great retrench 
ment which they had made all along the River betwixt Conde and 
St Guislain, but fetching a compass about, went to Cond6 and 
tooke it, therby making frustrate all the great labour they had 
taken. And indeed 'tis very difficult in such Countrys to make any 
works which will prove of use ; for an Army which is once Master 
of the feild, will with a litle time and patience find the means, 
either of forceing their passage over such a work or river, or, by 
marching about, get into the Enemies Country some other way: 
So that in my opinion, tho it may be necessary on some occasions 
to make them, yet a Generall never ought to rely upon them. 

The French, according to their custom, drew first into the feild 
this year ; and in their way to Dunkirk, at Cassel, took prisoners of 
warr the Duke of Glocester's Regiment of foot, which consisted 
of four hundred men ; they having been very unadvisably sent 
thither by Monsr. de Bascourt a Mareshall de battaille, under 
whose command were all the Troopes which acted on that side of 
the Country, it being a place not possibly to be defended : And at 
the same time he sent my Regiment of about five hundred men, 
with some other small foot Regiments which were quarter'd at 
Hondescote, with some few horse, into St Omer, thinking the 
French would haue sate down before it. But when, by their pass 
ing by him, he saw their design was upon Dunkirk, he en- 
deavour'd, tho too late, to haue cast some men into it; and only 
made a shift to get in himself with some few horse. Much about 
the same time the Marquis de Leyde (Leede) Governour of that 
Town, gott in also with great difficulty, he being at Bruxelles 
soliciting for supplys of men and ammunition, when the first in 
telligence arrived, that the French were marching thither: At 
which time, and no sooner, they order'd all the troopes, which 
were in Nieuport, Dixmuyde, and Furnes, (of which they were 
jealous tho without reason, because they were all English, Scots, 
and Irish) to march for Dunkirk, (reserving) only the King's Regi 
ment of foot, which was upwards of four hundred, and then lay at 
Dixmuyde; but these also came too late, the Town being block' d 



CAMPAIGNS OF THE DUKE OF YORK 1658 

up already. So that the Marquis de Leyde found himself beseiged 
in a place, the main strength of which consisted in the outworks, 
which were very large, all of earth, and very easy to be approched. 
To all this great extent of ground which was to defend, his garri 
son was no ways answerable, for it consisted but of a thousand 
foot, and eight hundred horse, and his provisions of pouder and 
other necessarys were very scanty, even with reference to the Small 
number of his men. 

The certain intelligence of this Seige being come to Bruxelles 
about the end of May, gave no small trouble to the Spaniards, 
especially when they saw all hopes of putting succours into the 
place by Sea were wholly vanished, by reason that the English 
Navy under the command of Generall Montague was now come 
before it; So that the only prospect which they had of releeving it, 
was by the Army; And therfore it was immediatly resolved in a 
Councell of Warr, (where were present all the Generall Officers) 
that the Army should draw together at Ypres with all imaginable 
hast; pursuant to which, the orders were immediatly dispatch'd 
for all their troopes to meet at the Rendezvous appointed. 

Accordingly on the yth of June all the Army and the Generall 
Officers were there. At their first meeting they resolv'd to march 
to Furnes, and on the 9th they camp by Nieuport; On the next 
day betwixt Odekerk and Furnes, whither came to us the Mare- 
shall d'Hocquincourt, who was lately come out from France by 
way of Hdin a Town in Artois, of great importance, upon the 
River of Canche; which upon the death of the Governour, by 
means of the Lieutenant du Roy and his Brother in law, revolted 
from the obedience of the King their Master, and call'd the Spani 
ards to their assistance, with whom they finally agreed to deliver 
the Town up to them, in consideration of a Summ of mony ; and 
accordingly having received it, the Spaniards were put into posses 
sion of the place. 

As for the said Mareshall, he had all along maintained a secret 
correspondence with the Lieut du Roy, as having designs at the 
same time of flying out into Rebellion, and of alluring most of the 
Noblesse, and Commonalty of the Vexin, and lower parts of Nor 
mandy, to haue joyn'd with him: But his contrivance being dis- 
cover'd before he was fully in a readiness to put it in execution (a 
fate which for the most part attends such undertakings) he was 
254 



1658 A COUNCIL OF WAR 

forced to consult his own safety, by flying as speedily as he could. 
Notwithstanding which it was beleeved by many, that had not this 
instant Campagne prov'd So very unsuccessful! to the Spaniards, 
some disturbance would haue followed in those parts. 3 

To return again to our main business. 4 On the i ith it was re 
solved in a Councell of Warr, at which were present Don John, 
the Prince of Conde, the Marquis de Caracena, the Mareshall 
d'Hocquincourt and the Pee de Ligny (Don Estevan Gamarra 
and myself being accidently not there) That on the I3th, wee 
should march with the whole Army as near as wee could conveni 
ently to the lines of the Enemy, amongst the Sand-hills, and there 
incamp ; that by placing our selves so closs to them, wee might be 
in a readiness to attack them, when wee saw our proper time; and 
that on the I2th, the day before our appointed march, all the 
Generall Officers should go with two thousand commanded foot 
and four thousand horse, to view the place where they would 
camp, and themselves pitch upon it. 

But before I proceed any further, I shall give a more particular 
account of what passed at this Councell ; because that most of those 
who were present at it, haue since endeavor'd to clear themselves, 
either from giving that advice which I have mentioned, or even of 
consenting to the resolution which was then taken. And this Rela 
tion which I am now giving, I had from one of those who was 
assisting in it, and was desirous amongst the rest to clear himself 
from the imputation of giving that advice, or consenting to it. 

So Soon as the persons whom I have already named were sett in 
Councell, Don John informed them of the cause of their meeting, 
That it was to consult on the most proper method of releeving 
Dunkirk: He let them know the present condition of the place, 
which was such as required a speedy succour ; and after having in- 
larg'd upon these heads, he proposed to them that the Army should 
march to Zudcote, and camping there amongst the Sand-hills, as 
near as they could to the Enemies Lines, should watch their op 
portunity of attacking them. After this proposition there was a 
long silence, and no one arising to oppose it, he said, Since I see 
you all approve of what I haue proposed, let us now consider after 

3 The MS. Campagnes continues to follow the above text very closely. 

4 Tour revenir aux mouvemens de I'arme'e d'Espagne' (Campagnes, p. 242), be 
cause the narrative in the French MS. is in the third person. 



CAMPAIGNS OF THE DUKE OF YORK 1658 

what maner, and what time, wee shall march thither: Vpon which 
it was resolv'd, that they should all go the day following to view 
the ground for incampment, and observe the Line of the beseigers. 

I shall not take upon me to accuse or excuse any who were then 
present at this hasty resolution ; tho I have read a Relation which 
was printed and published by a freind of the Marquis de Cara- 
cena, wherin the Author endeavour'd to lay the whole weight of 
that resolution on Don John ; and I have also read the answer to it, 
where-in Don John was justified, and it was made to appear, that 
in case the Marquis had so been pleas'd, he might easily haue in- 
der'd that march, by only declaring himself against it, he having 
practised that very way in things of far less consequence then this ; 
for his power was such, that he had but to Say he thought it not 
for the King's seruice to put in execution such a resolution, and 
Don John must acquiesce in it : in Spanish it is more strongly ex- 
prest, No sera de servicio del Rey ; and this power he made use of 
the year before at la Cappelle. 

But resolv'd it was; and in pursuance of it, wee 5 went on the 
1 2th, with our four thousand horse, and the commanded foot, 
with intent to view the Enemies Line, and chuse the place for 
our incampment. Being advanced as far as Zudcote, wee halted 
there, and first made choice of our ground to lodge the Army, 
before wee went nearer to discover the Enemy : This was done by 
the Marquis of Caracena, Don Estevan de Gamarra, and my 
self, who taking some horse along with us, went a cross the Sand 
hills, till wee came to the Strand. In the mean time Monsr. de 
Boutteville was gone with our Cravatts along the hight way be 
twixt the Sand-hills, and the meadow ground, advancing towards 
the Enemies horse guard so far, that he began to Skirmish with 
them, and forced them to give back a litle ; by which means he had 
the opportunity of coming within a convenient distance of their 
Lines, and viewing them. 

As he was returning to give the Generalls an account of what he 
had observed, he met the Mareshall d'Hocquincourt, who earnest 
ly desir'd him to turn once more, Saying he would charge the 
Enemies horse guards; and notwithstanding that Monsr. de 
Boutteville us'd many arguments to disswade him (as having 

5 'Les Generaux rurent envoyez le 12 ... avec 4000 chevaux . . .' (MS. Cam- 
pagnes, p. 244). 

256 



1658 THE DEATH OF MARSHAL d'HOCQUINCOURT 

already done what he intended, and brought back a prisoner or 
two with him, which he had taken amongst the Sand-hills) yet the 
Mareshall continued obstinate, and over-perswaded him to go 
back, by which he did not only ingage himself, but almost all the 
reste of the Generall Officers at a great distance from their troopes: 
for the Prince of Conde Seeing him go that way, walk'd after him, 
and Don John, hearing the Prince was gone on towards the Line, 
did the like : and last of all, I, having observ'd all that could be 
Seen where the Marquis and I had been together, and coming that 
way, where I heard that those whom I haue already mention J d 
were gone before, put on at a large gallop after them, and came up 
to them just as Monsr. d'Hocquincourt had forced the Enemies 
horse guards to retire. In performing which, Henry Jermyn on 
our side, and the Marquis de Blanquefort, at present Earle of 
Feversham nephew to Monsr. de Turenne, on the other, were 
both of them shott through the thigh. 

The Mareshall d'Hocquincourt was now come within muskett 
shott of a redoubt, which the Enemy had advanced upon a 
heigth, somewhat before their Lines ; when at the very moment 
that I came up to him, he received a shott in the belly from the 
Sd Reboudt, of which presently after he dyd: Vpon this wee drew 
off, the Enemy at the same time beginning to advance upon us ; 
and the Prince of Conde with his people, being very busy in 
taking the papers out of the MareshalPs pockets, not knowing 
whither they shoull be able to bring off his body, a Gentleman who 
belonged to the sd Mareshall came to me, and desir'd me to face 
about, to give them the leysure of bearing off his Master's corps; 
which at his request I did, and so with some difficulty the body 
was brought away. But had the Enemy press'd hard upon us, wee 
had not only been forced to haue left it behind, but all the Gener 
all Officers there present had run the hazard of being made pri 
soners, they having no other horse with them besides Cravatts, 
who were not capable of sustaining a vigourous charge, and being 
distant from their own troopes above a mile. But at length when 
all was over, up came the Marquis de Caracena with three troopes 
of Guards to our assistance, who chid us all for having expos'd our 
selves as wee had done. 

After this wee returned to the body of our Army, but so dis- 
order'd by the fatall accident which had happen'd to the Mareshall 

257 



CAMPAIGNS OF THE DUKE OF YORK 1658 

d'Hocquincourt, that wee march'd back to our Camp by Furnes, 
without viewing any part of the Enemies Line or taking any other 
consultation about our going thither. The day following wee re- 
mov'd to the place which wee had chosen for our encampment; 
having our right to the Sea, and our left to the Canal of Furnes. 
Wee lay with our foot upon one Line before our horse, which 
reach'd from the Sand-hills next the Sea, as far as the ditches, 
which are nearest to the foremention'd Canal: our horse were on 
two Lines behind our foot, and as for our baggage, wee left it 
behind at Furnes; for our traine of artillery, by good fortune, it 
was not yet come to the Army: so that wee had neither cannon nor 
tooles, nor hardly powder enough for our foot; without all which 
necessarys wee came and camp'd within less then twice cannon 
shott of the Enemies Line. 

Wee came thither with the Van of our Army about eleven of 
the clock in the forenoon. And, as I haue been since inform'd, it 
was evening before Monsr, de Turenne could be drawn to be- 
leeve, that wee were there with our whole Army, or that wee came 
with a design of camping in that place : But about that time a 
prisoner was brought, who assured him of both. Wherupon, with 
out consulting one moment with any person, he immediatly took 
the resolution of marching to us the next morning, and fighting us. 

Accordingly he gave out orders for all his troopes to be in a 
readiness at that time: And sent for the English, that were quar 
ter* d at Mar dyke* to march up to him; which they immediatly 
obeyd, and march'd all night, having a great compass to take, and 
were by day-break at his quarter : But while the French were pre 
paring to come out upon us, the next morning, wee took no mea 
sures in our Army as if any Enemy were to be expected; for when 
the orders were given in our Camp at night, there was no prohi 
bition made to our horse of going out to forage, till the pleasure 
of the Generall should be further known, as is usuall in the like 
cases : But they were permitted to go abroad, as if no Enemy had 
been near us. And that it may be seen, how litle some of our 
Generall Officers beleev'd the French had any such intention (or 
at least would haue it thought that they so beleev'd) happening 
myself to be at supper that night with the Marquis de Caracena, 
and the Company falling into discourse on the Subject of our 
6 'qui estoient vers Mardick' (MS. Campagnes, p. 247). 

258 



1658 THE DUKE PREDICTS A BATTLE 

coming thither, and what the French might probably attempt 
against us, I said. That for my own particular I lik'd not our being 
there upon such termes as wee were then, having no Lines nor 
any thing to cover us from the Enemy ; and that it was my opinion, 
if they fell not upon us that very night, I was very confident they 
would give us battaill the next morning : To which both the Mar 
quis and Don Estevan de Gamarra answered, that it was what they 
desir'd : To which I reply'd, That I knew Monsr. de Turenne So 
well, as to assure them they should haue that Satisfaction. 

The next morning about five of the clock, our horse guard 
brought us intelligence, that they saw some horse drawing out of 
the Enemies Lines, which they suppos'd came with design to beat 
them in ; upon which our whole Army tooke the alarme, and stood 
to their armes, and the Generalls went out to discover what the 
Enemy was doing. I was the first who came to our horse guard, 
and going as far as the outmost Sentrys, I plainly saw that their 
whole Army was coming out of their Lines ; Their horse, with 
four small feild peices, advancing along the high way betwixt the 
Sand-hills, and the meadow grounds, and the French foot draw 
ing out on their left hand, having thrown down some peices of 
their Line that they might march out at least a Battailion a front; 
and farther on their left hand, which was nearer to the Sea, the 
English were drawing out, whom I easily knew by their redcoats : 
Of all which having taken a distant view, I went back to give an 
account of it, and before I reach'd our Camp, I mett with Don 
John, who asking me, what were the intentions of the French? I 
answer'd him, That they were drawing out to give us battell ; which 
he seeming not to beleeve, said, their design was only to drive in 
our horse guards. I replyd, That it was not the custom of the 
French to march out with such a body of foot, as I had seen, com- 
pos'd of the French and Suisse Guards, the Regiments of Picardy 
and Turenne, all which I knew by their colours, as well as the 
English by their redcoats, and with so great a body of horse as 
those I had observed with their canon before them, with a bare in 
tention of forcing in our horse guards. 

Before I could add any other arguments for the confirmation of 
my opinion, or Don John had the leysure of replying, the Prince 
of Cond6 came up to us, who had also been at one of our horse 
guards, and gave the same account which I had done; and seeing 

259 



CAMPAIGNS OF THE DUKE OF YORK 1658 

the Duke of Glocester there, he ask'd him, If he had ever seen a 
Battell? who telling him, he had not; the Prince assured him, that 
within half an houre he should behold one: 7 And now, there being 
no farther room to doubt of the Enemies intention, all the Gener- 
all Officers parted from each other, and went to their respective 
posts; with resolution to attend the coming of the French, and to 
fight them where wee were, having the advantage of the ground, 
which wee must haue lost had wee advanced towards them, 

Our Army was drawn up after this following manner: Our 
Foot, which were about six thousand, were divided into fifteen 
Battalions, and were all upon one Line, excepting two of them ; 
They reach'd from a high Sand hill into the meedows adjoyning 
the Canal of Furnes : The naturall Spaniards had the right hand 
of all, who consisted of four Regiments ; Don Caspar Boniface his 
Regiment was plac'd upon the high Sand hill, nearest to the 
Strand; Behind which was that of Francisco de Meneses, facing 
towards the Sea, to be in a posture of opposing any which should 
offer to fall into their flanck: On the left hand of the first which I 
have mentiond, was that of Don Diego de Goni, commanded by 
Don Antonio de Cordoua, on whose left hand was placed the Mar 
quis de Seralvo at the head of his Regiment; next to whom were 
the King's and the Lord Bristoll's Regiments, both which made 
up one Battalion alone, and was commanded by the Lord Mus- 
kerry; And for a reserve behind those two Battalions, Coll: 
Richard Grace with the Lord Newbourgh's Regiment, 8 making 
likewise one Battalion. On the left hand of the Regiment of York, 
were three Walloon Battalions, after them one of Germans, com 
posed of four Regiments ; Next to which upon the last Sand hill, 
towards the Canal of Furnes, was plac'd Guitaud's Regiment of 
Germans, being the first of the Prince of Conde's foot: The rest 
of them, which were three Battalions, were drawn up betwixt the 
Sand-hills and the Canal, by the high-way side and in the meedows. 

On the Sand hills, where our Foot was drawn up in this order, 
wee had a great advantage of the Enemy, there running a ridge 
from one side to the other, upon which they were posted ; so that 

7 This is the passage which Ramsay 'improved 7 so wittily (see Translator's Intro 
duction, p. 35). 

8 'II y avoit derriere ces deux Battaillons Les Regimens de Richard Grace et du 
Lord Willoughby qui ne faisoient qu'un bataillon qui servoit de reserve' (MS. 
Gampagnes, p. 251). 'Willoughby' may be the correct reading here. 

260 




26l 



CAMPAIGNS OF THE DUKE OF YORK 1658 

the Enemy must be constrained to charge us up the hill, which 
every one knows is a greater disadvantage on the Sand, where the 
footing is loose, then on firm ordinary ground. As for our Horse 
(which should haue been eight thousand tho at that time they were 
scarcely half so strong, the greatest part of them being gone out to 
forrage and not returning till after wee were beaten) the Spanish 
Horse were drawn up in two Lines behind our Foot, amongst the 
Sand hills; The Prince of Conde's in more Lines behind his Foot, 
betwixt the Sand hills and the meadow-grounds; in many places 
there being not room for above three or four Squadrons a front: 
so that I am not absolutly certain, in what number of Lines they 
were drawn up. 

In this order wee stood expecting the Enemy, whose Army, 
according to my best remembrance, were marshall'd in the man 
ner following. Their Foot were drawn up in two Lines of seven 
Battalions each : The first Line was commanded by a Lieut Gener- 
all Monsr. de Guadagne, and composed of one Battalion of the 
French Guards which had the right hand, and march'd along 
under the Sand hills by the high way side; Next to which was one 
Battalion of the Suisse Guards, which went along by the top of the 
Sand hills, next the high way; On whose left hand was the Regi 
ment of Picardy makin one Battalion; and then on the same front 
that of Turenne, which was the last of the French Battalions on 
the first Line; on whose left hand were three of the English Regi 
ments, each of which made a Battalion, the last of them reaching 
as far as the Sand hills next the Sea: And before each Battalion of 
this first Line, they had commanded Musketeers 9 (which was the 
only time that ever I knew forlorne hopes us'd beyond the Seas in 
any battell) But as Monsieur de Turenne advanced, seeing wee 
had some foot in the meadows, he took the right hand Battalion of 
the second Line, and made it march on the right hand of his Horse 
in the meadows; this Battalion was commanded by Monsr. de 
Montgomery one of his Nephews. As for their second Line of 
Foot, it consisted of the same number of Battalions, three of which 
were English, and the rest French. 10 

9 4 les Enfans perdus' (MS, Camfagnes, p. 252), the 'technical' name given to this 
kind of musketeers in France. 

10 The last two sentences (after 'commanded Musketeers', i.e., 'enfants perdus* or 
'forlorne hopes') do not appear in the MS. Camfagnes (p. 252). 

262 



1658 THE BATTLE OF THE DUNES 

For their Horse, they had about five or six Squadrons betwixt 
their two Lines of foot; and their right wing came along the high 
way, just beneath the Sand hills, commanded by the Marquis de 
Crequi, a Lieut Generall, having as many Squadrons a front as the 
ground would bear, which in divers places was not above three or 
four; before whom march'd four feild peices. Their left wing 
commanded by Monsr. de Castelnau a Lieut Generall, came along 
the Strand, with feild peices attending them; and severall of the 
English small Fregatts having the advantage of the tyde of flood, 
stood in as near the shore as possibly they could see amongst the 
Sand hills. This was the order of the French Army: And in this 
manner they advanced upon us, while wee only stood our ground, 
and expected them. 

The first who engaged us were the English led up by Major 
Generall Morgan ; their Generall Lockart (for what reason I know 
not) being with Monsr. de Castelneau at the head of their left 
wing. But immediatly before their falling on, Don John sent me, 
and desired me to go to our right hand, and take a particular care 
of that part, where he saw the Englis were advancing; Which I 
did, taking no troopes along with me from the middle of the Line, 
where I then was, excepting only my own Troope of Guards, and 
a hundred commanded men, with two Captains, and Officers pro 
portionable out of my next Battalion, to reinforce the naturall 
Spaniards. Which Foot I joyn'd to Boniface, where I judged they 
would make their greatest effort, and which was (of) the greatest 
importance to be maintained, it being the highest of the Sand hills 
on that side, and advanced somewhat farther then any of the rest 
which were thereabout, commanding also those which were 
nearest to it. 

This was all I had leisure to do, before the English attack'd us; 
who came on with great eagerness and courage: But their heat 
was such, that they outmarched the French, so that had the oppor 
tunity been taken, they might haue paid deer for their rash 
bravery, But they, whose busines it was to haue taken that advan 
tage, either tooke no notice of it, or had some other reason, un 
known to me, why they sent not some Horse to fall into their 
flanques ; Whatsoever the occasion was, the opportunity was let 
slipp, and the English came up without the least disturbance to 
make their charge. 

263 



CAMPAIGNS OF THE DUKE OF YORK 165* 

Boniface, as I haue already said, was posted on the highest Sand 
hill, which was somewhat advanced before any of the others, so 
that the batteli began there. It was Lockart's own Regiment 
which charged those Spaniards, and was commanded by Lieut. 
Coll. Fenwick; who so soon as he came to the bottom of the hill, 
seeing that it was exceeding steep, and difficult to ascend, com 
manded his men to halt and take breath for two or three minutes, 
that they might be more able to climb and do their duty. 

While they were thus preparing themselves, their commanded 
men u opening to the right and left, to give way to their main body 
which was to mount the hfgth, were continually firing at Boniface ; 
and as soon as the body were in a condition to climb, they began 
their ascent with a great shout, which was generall from all their 
foot. But while they were scrambling up in the best manner they 
were able, the Lieut. Coll: fell in the middle way, being shott 
through the body; which yet hindered not the Major, who was 
called Hinton (since a Captain in the Duke of Albemarle's Regi 
ment) 12 from leading on his men together with the rest of their 
Officers, who Stopt not till they came to push of pyke; where not 
withstanding the great resistance which was made by the Spani 
ards, and the advantage they had of the higher ground, as well as, 
that of being well in breath, when their Enemies were almost 
spent with climbing, the English gain'd the hill and drove them 
from off it: The Spaniards leaving dead upon the spott, seven of 
eleven Captains which commanded in the Regiment, together 
with Slaughter and Farrell, two Captains whom I had joyn'd to 
that Regiment just before; besides many of their reformed Offi 
cers (their stands of Pykes being for the most part made of such) is 
Yet this ground had been so well disputed, that the English, be 
sides their Lieut. Coll : lost Severall Officers and Soldiers. 

And now, having thus far carryd on their busines successfully, 
so soon as they had put themselves again in order, and recover'd 
breath, they came down the Sand hill, which I observing, went to 
charge them with my own Guards ^and those of Don John ; but 
being come up almost within reach of their pykes, I found the 

11 'Leurs enfants perdus 7 (p. 254). 

12 The fact that this Cromwellian officer was retained after the Restoration does not 
appear in the MS. Campagnes (p. 254). 

13 'et plusieurs officiers reformez dont la plupart estoient piquiers' (MS. Cam- 
pagnes, pp. 254-255). 

264 



1658 THE BATTLE OF THE DUNES 

ground to be such, as rendered it almost impossible for me to 
break into them: notwithstanding which I was resolv'd to en 
deavour it, and accordingly charg'd them tho to no purpose: for 
what with the advantage of the ground, and with the stout resist 
ance they made in that first charge, I was beaten off, and all who 
were at the head of my own Troope, were either killed or wounded ; 
of which number I had been one, had not the goodness of my 
armes preserved me. The cheife Officers of my Troope escap'd 
better then those belonging to Don John; for of mine, only 
Charles Berkley the Capitaine of my Guards was hurt, and of the 
other, only the Count de Colmenar who was Captain of it, came 
off unwounded, amongst all the Officers: neither did their 
common men fare better, the loss falling so heavily amongst them, 
that th5 I endeavour'd all I could to rally them, it was not possible 
for me to perform it. But I had better fortune with those of 
my own Guards, for I gott all of them together who were yet in a 
condition of doing duty, which were not above forty. 

When I had rallyd this small party, I went to Boniface, where 
first Don John, and after him the Marquis de Caracena had been 
endeavouring to rally them, but not being able to do it, were gone 
off. When I came up to that Regiment, I was not able at first to 
make them stand; but while I was trying my authority amongst 
them, I saw there one Elvige a Lieutenant of the King's Regi 
ment, who had been commanded along with the hundred men 
whom I had sent to strengthen that Battalion ; and asking him, 
what was become of his Captains? he answer'd me, they were both 
slaine with most of their Soldiers ; and that he was the only Officer 
of that party that had escap'd unhurt. Upon which I commanded 
him to stay with me, and call his men together, which he did, and 
crying out aloud to them, That the Duke was there, those who 
heard him faced about immediatly, and came up to us. At the same 
time seeing the Major of that Spanish Regiment, I call'd to him, 
That he should make his men follow the example of those few 
English, it not being the custome of Spaniards to run when any 
others stood; and upon the Major's reproching them with that, 
they stopt, and drew up in good order. And now the Marquis of 
Caracena coming back once more, demanded of me, Why I 
charg'd not the Enemy with my Horse? I answer'd him, I had 
already done it, and (been} worsted for my paines ; farther telling 

265 



CAMPAIGNS OF THE DUKE OF YORK 1658 

him, That considering the present posture of the Enemy, it was 
impossible to be done, and at the Same time shewing him, what I 
had affirmed, from behind the next Sand hill. 

Presently after this (the Marquis being gone again) Lockart's 
Regiment, which, as I have already said, had beaten off our Horse, 
advanced not directly forward, but bent a litle towards their left 
hand; and wee lost sight of each other, by reason of the unevenesse 
of the ground (a Sand hill being interpos'd betwixt us) so that by 
the time I had got the Regiment of Boniface in order, and those 
few Horse which I had with him, this English Battalion was come 
even upon a line with us, just upon my right hand, a Sand hill only 
being betwixt us : Wherupon I faced touards the Sea, and march 
ing at the head of my Foot, as I came up to the top of the Sand 
hill, I perceiv'd the English coming up on the other side to me : 
upon which I gott from betwixt them, commanding the Major 
who was with me at the head of Boniface, to charge them in the 
front, whilst I with my Horse would fall into their flanque. 

When I had given this order, I put myself immediatly at the 
head of my forty Guards, and charg'd that Battalion So home, that 
I broke into them, doing great execution upon them, and driving 
them to the edge of the Sand hill next the Strand. As for the Bat 
talion of Boniface they did not charge, seeing I had already broken 
the English ; but discovering from the top of the Sand hill, where 
they were, that our whole Army was in route, they scattered, and 
every man endeavoured to gett off, which few of them were so 
lucky as to perform. 

Tis very observable that when wee had broken into this Bat 
talion, and were gott amongst them, not so much as one single 
man of them ask'd quarter, or threw down his armes; but every 
one defended himself to the last: so that wee ran as great danger 
by the butt end of their musketts, as by the volley which they had 
given us. And one of them had infallibly knock'd me off from my 
horse, if I had not prevented him when he was just ready to haue 
discharged his blow, by a stroke I gave him with my sword over 
the face, which layd him along upon the ground. 

The Duke of Glocester, who during the action of all that day 
had seconded me, and behav'd himself as bravely as any of his 
Ancestors had ever done, had his sword either struck out of his 
hand by one of the Enemy, or it flew out of his hand by a blow 

266 



1658 THE BATTLE OF THE DUNES 

which he had given; but which of the two I remember not: It 
happen'd that a gentleman, one Villeneuue, Ecuier to the Prince 
de Ligny, who was next him, saw this accident; wherupon he 
leap'd down immediatly from his horse, took up the sword and 
delivered it to my Brother, who with his pistoll in his hand, stood 
ready to secure him till he was remounted. But immediatly after, 
the same gentleman was shott through the body; notwithstanding 
which it was his fortune to gett off, and to recover of his wound. 

I had no sooner made this charge, but I was obliged to make 
what hast I could to get away; for a Squadron of the French Army 
from the Strand, had gott up amongst the Sand hills, just as I was 
charging, and had [broken] into my flanque; 14 So that they had 
undoubtedly cutt me off with my small party, had they not been 
charg'd themselves, at the same time, by the Prince de Ligny, who 
tho he did not defeat them, yet he gaue them a litle stop ; which op 
portunity I took to get off, and the Prince, after he had made his 
charge, escap'd another way. 

By this time not only all the Regiment of Boniface was cutt in 
peices, but the rest of the naturall Spanish Regiments were all 
taken in their Severall posts by the Horse; for they were not 
charg'd by the English as they ought to haue been, had our Coun 
trymen march'd directly onwards : but so it happen'd, that when 
the other two Regiments of them, saw the resistance which was 
made by Boniface, they all bent that way, marching by the flanque, 
only firing at the other naturall Spaniards as they pass'd along, 
and marching up the Sand-hill after Lockart's Regiment. 

While these things were passing on our right hand next the 
Sea, our left wing received as hard measure from the Enemy as 
wee had done; for the four feild peices, which as I sayd, advanced 
along the high way, under the Sand-hills, terribly gaul'd both our 
Horse and Foot which were before them : So that the Foot Guards 
and the Regiment de la Couronne (the last of which was com 
manded by Monsr. de Montgomery, and having been taken out 
of the Second Line by Monsr. de Turenne, as I haue said, was 
placed on the right hand of the Guards in the meadow grounds) 
seeing that wee had three small Battalions betwixt the Sand-hills 
and the Canal, they advanced against them, but our Battalions 
making a very fainte resistance ran away. Upon which the French 
14 c llz alloient le prendre en flanc' (MS. Campagnes, p. 258). 

267 



CAMPAIGNS OF THE DUKE OF YORK 1658 

horse advanced before their foot, as many Squadrons a front as 
they could march, commanded by the Marquis de Crequi, a Lieut 
Generall, and were charg'd so vigorously by the Prince of Conde's 
horse, that they were beaten back behind their foot: yet at length, 
notwithstanding all he could do, they having horse and foot against 
horse alone, they 15 forced him from his ground, and oblig'd him to 
run for it, as fast as his neighbours had done before him; tho he 
did what was possible to be done, in both capacities, both as a 
Generall, and as a Soldier; in so much that at the last of the three 
charges, which he made with his horse, he was in great hazard of 
being taken. 

As to what pass'd on the right wing of the Prince of Conde, 
upon the Sand-hills betwixt him and the place where the naturall 
Spaniards were drawn up; The Regiment de Guitault 16 (which 
was posted upon the Sand hill next to the high way along which 
came the right wing of the French Cavalery) did not Stay for a 
charge from the Suisses, but fir'd at too great a distance and pre 
sently ran, away: The four next Battalions did the like, none of 
them Staying to be throughly charg'd; which cowardise of theirs, 
and the defeat of Boniface his Regiment, who were beaten from 
their ground, strook such a terrour into our horse, which were 
drawn up behind our foot on the Sand-hills, that the greatest part 
of them, especially those of the Second line, ran away without be 
ing charg'd, or even without seeing an Enemy, tho most of their 
Officers were not wanting to their duty, in endeavouring to stop 
them: Those few who had courage enough to Stay, perform'd 
their parts like men of honour, as shall be mentioned in its proper 
place. 

The next of these three Regiments, of which I have spoken, 
was my own, which stood a litle longer then their neighbours on 
the left hand; But a voice coming behind them, that the foot 
should save themselves, that Battalion broke also, the Soldiers 
leaving their Officers, and running away; which Coll: Grace seen 
(seeing) who was drawn up behind them, thought it was high time 
for him to endeavour to save his Regiment, and march off in good 
order at a round rate in three divisions ; by observing of which dis- 

15 'They* were mainly Bussy-Rabutin who commanded the cavalry and Gadagne 
who brought up infantry to support him. 

16 Not c de Guiscard', as Clarke supposed. 

268 



1658 THE BATTLE OF THE DUNES 

cipline, and keeping them together, he had the good fortune to gett 
off a cross the high way, to the Canal of Furnes, along which he 
made his retreat without losing a man. But my Regiment was at 
tended with worse luck; for tho Monsr. de Roc 17 with his Regi 
ment of horse went up and charged the Cardinal's Gensdarmes, 
killing with his own hand Monsr. du Bourg who commanded 
them, and beating that Squadron; yet they who should haue 
seconded him being gone, and more horse coming on to charge 
him, he was forced also to make the best of his way, and shift for 
one. Those horse which he had beaten soon overtook my Regi 
ment, so that excepting My Lord Musketry, who was fortunate 
enough to get a horse accidentally, not a Soldier or Officer escap'd. 

Much about the Same time, one Michel an old German Col- 
lonel, with his Regiment of horse, charged the Battalion of Tu- 
renne after they were march'd down from the hill, on which the 
Spanish foot had been drawn up; but he was not able to break 
them, they receiving his charge in so good order, that they kill'd 
him with the greatest part of his Officers, and beat off his Regi 
ment of horse without any loss but of the Lieut Collonel Betbes6, 
who was slain at the head of the pikes with a pistoll shott. Besides 
these two Collonels, I know not of any Spanish horse that behav'd 
themselves well in this battell, or if they did, it never arrived to my 
knowledge. 

I must go now a litle back to give a further account of my own 
fortune : As soon as I came off from charging and breaking that 
Regiment of English, I thought it but reasonable to endeavour 
my own escape, the French horse having already incompass'd me 
on every side, and none of our men standing: But not knowing 
what success wee might haue had in our left wing where the Prince 
of Cond6 was, I resolved in the first place to go thither, and see in 
what posture our affaires were there. I had not now above twenty 
horse remaining with me; the rest of my Guards which were with 
my Lieutenant, being parted from me as I came from amongst 
the English: The Smalness of my number proved my best secu 
rity; for with those who still continued about me, I was strong 
enough to deal with any loose men, and yet was not so consider 
able as to provoke any bodys to disband after me: And by Some 
of the Enemys wee were taken for one of their own partys ; for as I 
17 Mr. de St. Rock' (MS. Campagnes, p. 261). 

269 



CAMPAIGNS OF THE DUKE OF YORK 1658 

was coming off, I saw four or five of their Troopers falling upon 
an Officer of mine, on Lieut Victor, since a Captain at Tangier: I 
went up to them, taking them indeed for some of our own horse, 
and called out to them in french, That they should let him alone, 
for he was one of our own Englishmen : Accordingly they dis- 
miss'd him, giving him his sword which they had taken from him, 
and went off themselves, mistaking me for one of their own Offi 
cers: Thus both I and they were in an errour, and I knew not my 
own mistake till Victor told me of it afterwards. 

I continued my way forward, and made a shift to pass through 
the French, trotting in good order, 'till I overtook Coll : Grace and 
his Regiment before they gott out from amongst the Sand hills ; 
going by the Regiments of Picardy and Turenne, which were then 
as far advanced as where our men had been incamped the night 
before; and coming down into the high way, under the Sand hills, 
I found all the Prince of Condi's Troopes already beaten, he hav 
ing then made his last charge; So that he was constrained to run 
with them, and as I sayd, with great difficulty escap'd. The throng 
being very great in the Village of Zudcote, through which the 
high way went, and the Enemy pursuing us with great eagerness, 
I had no other means to avoid being taken, then to disingage my 
self from the crowd, and to take another way, which was round 
about the Village leaving it on my right hand. And to shew how 
near I was to be made prisoner, a Collonel under the Prince, one 
(de] Morieul, meeting rtig just as I came down the Sand-hills, and 
not following my example of taking round the Village, but min 
gling with the crowd, immediatly after he was parted from me 
felFd into the hands of the pursuers, and was made a prisoner. As 
for me, I gott safe into the way again on the other side of the 
Village, where Don John, the Prince of Cond6, the Marquis de 
Caracena, and others, were already gott before me. Soon after 
which, wee were obliged to make a litle stand, and face about, to 
give Don John de leisure to change his horse, his own by some 
accident being fallen lame; which being done, wee sett spurrs 
again to our horses, and did not stop, 'till the Enemy had left 
pursuing us. 

I shall not take upon me to give a particular account of what 
was done in this engagement by our Generall Officers, because I 
have received no particular information of it : Only this I know in 

270 



1658 THE BATTLE OF THE DUNES 

grosse, that all of them behav'd themselves very bravely, except 
ing Don Estevan de Gamarra ; the rest of them so far exposing 
their persons, that they escap'd not without great hazard. For the 
Prince of Conde, and myself, I have already given a Relation of 
our fortunes : And concerning Don John, I have been informed, 
that he stayd so long, that he was in danger of being taken : And 
the Marquis de Caracena was so near it, that before he gott out 
from amongst the Sand hills, a horseman of the Enemys had layd 
hold on his bridle ; but the Marquis at the same time striking him 
over the face with his cane, (having nothing els in his hand) so 
stun'd him, that he let go his hold, and so the Marquis had leisure 
to escape. To what concerns the Prince de Ligny, 18 I have already 
mention'd how handsomly he behavd himself when he charged; 
but how he gott off, I am not certain : But for Don Estevan de 
Gamarra who commanded as Mestre de Camp Generall, and was 
at the head of the foot, he went away at first, and never stopt till he 
came to Nieuport. 

I have not yet given an account of the Battalion, which was 
compos'd of the King's Regiment and the Earle of Bristoll's, and 
I should be very injurious to the first of these two, if I should pass 
them by in silence. They were posted, as I haue said, next the 
naturall Spaniards; and notwithstanding that they saw all on the 
right and left hand of them already routed and gone off, yet they 
continued firm (I mean that part of the Battalion which was com- 
pos'd of the King's Regiment) for they were all English; As for 
the other part of it, which was form'd of My lord Bristoll's men 
who were Irish, they indeed went away, when they saw all their 
freinds about them beaten ; neither was it in the power of their 
Officers to hinder them, tho they endeavour 'd it; but seeing their 
paines were to no effect, they ran for company, excepting Captain 
Stroad (Stroud] an English Gentleman, who was Captain Lieut. 
of that Regiment; for he came and put himself at the head of the 
remaining part of the Battalion, with his own Countrymen: But 
this was not the only discouragement which these English had, 
for both the Lieut. Collonell and Major had forsaken them before 
the Irish, the first upon pretence of going for orders, and the other 
upon an account which was not a jot more honorable. The Lieut. 
Coll: was rewarded for his paines as he deserved; for being mett 

18 de Ligne. 

271 



CAMPAIGNS OF THE DUKE OF YORK 1658 

by some of the lose French horse, who were then gott behind 
them, he was shott into the face, somewhat below the eye, and the 
bullet came out behind his neck; of which wound he narrowly es- 
cap'd with life: He was also unhors'd, and being in this condition, 
one of my Guards, the only man amongst them who behav'd him 
self ill and who was not an Englishman, accidentally found him, 
and help'd him off. 

But none of these misadventures did at all daunt the King's 
Regiment: They continued to stand firm, and maintain'd their 
ground, tho they beheld the first Line of the French passing by 
them on their left hand, and the Cromwellian English on their 
right, till the second Line came up to them. It was the Regiment 
of Rambures which advanced to charge them (their Collonel com 
manding that Line, and being at their head). This Officer seeing 
not a man standing of all our Troopes, excepting this small body 
which was before him, went up to them himself, a litle before his 
men, to offer them quarter; To whom they returned this answer, 
That they had been posted there by the Duke, and therfore were 
resolved to maintain that ground as long as they were able : He 
replyd, That it would be to no purpose for them to stand out, 
their whole Army being already routed, and having left the feild. 
They answer'd again, That it was not their part to beleeve an 
Enemy: Upon which he offer'd them, that if they would send out 
an Officer or two, he would himself carry them up to a Sand-hill 
which was behind them, and then they should perceive, that what 
he affirm'd was true : Accordingly they sent out two Officers, Cap 
tain Thorn: Cooke and Aston, 19 whom he conducted as he had 
promis'd to the Sand-hill which he had nam'd; from whence they 
could easily discover, that none of our Army was left standing 
excepting only themselves, after which, he brought them down 
again to their own men. Wherupon they told him, That in case he 
would promise they should not be delivered up to the English, nor 
be stripped, nor haue their pockets search'd, they would lay down 
their armes and yeeld themselves his prisoners ; to which he ixn- 
mediatly agreeing, and giving his word for the performance of 
those Articles, they accordingly yeelded, and his promise was 
exactly kept to them : by which their honorable carriage, they far'd 
much better then the other Regiment which deserted them; some 

19 'Ashton' (MS. Campagnes, p. 266). 
272 



1658 CASUALTIES OF THE BATTLE 

of whom were slaine, and the rest taken and stripp'd afterwards. 

I haue now give the best account I am able of the whole Action, 
and it remains, that I should say something of the number of the 
Slaine on both sides and of the Prisoners. As for the Slaine, they 
amounted not in all to above four hundred; 20 amongst which on 
our side there fell the Count de la Motterie and of the Spanish 
troopes, Collonel Michel, with most of the Captains of Boniface, 
one of Seralvo, and another of Goni (Gomez\ as also Don Fran 
cisco Romero Governour of the two Troopes of Guards, with two 
or three more of his Officers: Of those whom I commanded, there 
were kill'd three Captains, Slaughter of the King's Regiment, 
* * *2i O f m y own? an d Farrell of the Lord Bristoll's, besides some 
Lieutenants and Ensignes, and two Brigadeers of my Troope of 
Guards. Of the Pee of Conde's Troopes, I remember none of 
quality but the Count de Meille a Lieut. Generall, with some few 
Captains. Of the Spanish Officers, were taken the Marquis de 
Seralvo, Risbourg, Conflans, Belleveder, the Prince de Robec, 
Don Antonio de Cordoua, Don J. de Toledo y Portugal, Don 
Joseph Manriques, Don Luis de Zuniga, Le Baron de Limbeck, 
Darchem, Baynes, all Collonels of horse or foot, and Mr. de 
Montmorency, Captain of the Guards to the Prince de Ligny. 
Most of these were abandoned by their men, and were taken, be 
cause they would not make such hast away as their Soldiers had 
done : I cannot say what Captains and other inferiour Officers were 
made Prisoners, only, that of the naturall Spanish Regiments of 
foot, few or none escap'd, because they behav'd themselves very 
honorably; But of the horse, the number of Captains and Officers 
under them, was no way proportionable to the number of Officers 
in my Troopes. Of my own Regiment, not an Officer escap'd 
taking, excepting My Lord Muskerry who commanded it; and of 
the private Soldiers, not twenty. As for the King's Regiment, it 
was intirely broken. The Earle of Bristoll's Regiment had the same 
fate with mine, few or none getting away; but of his Guards not 
above five or six were taken. As for the cheif Officers under the 
Prince of Cond, Monsr. de Coligny et 22 Boutteville, both Lieut 

20 The French version makes it plain that these casualties were on the Spanish side 
(MS. Campagnes, p. 267). 

21 The French MS. does not supply this blank. 

22 i.e., and Monsr. de Boutteville. 

K 273 



CAMPAIGNS OF THE DUKE OF YORK 1658 

Generalls, were made Prisoners with Meille (who dyd of his 
wounds) and Monsr. des Roches Captain of his Guards: He lost 
no many of his foot, for they not doing their duty as became 
Soldiers,, and being near the Canal, had an easy opportunity of 
escaping; his horse, tkd they fought bravely, yet lost fewer then 
the Spaniards, and amongst them all not one Collonel. 

How many of the Enemy were slain, the Duke knew not cer 
tainly, only in generall, that their loss was very inconsiderable both 
as to the number and the quality; for I haue not heard of any other 
Officers who were kill'd on their side, then Monsr. de la Berge 
(who had been Captain of Mr. de Turenne's Guards, and was then 
Major Generall of the Foot, which is less then either a Lieut Gen- 
erall or a Mareshall de Camp) Monsr. de Bebsey 23 Lieut Collonel 
of Monsr. de Turenne's Regiment of Foot, and Du Bourg Lieut 
of the Cardinal's Gensdarmes: Of the English sent by Cromwell, 
Fenwick Lockart's Lieut Collonel, 24 with two Captains, four 
Lieutenants, and four Ensignes; Of the English common men 
about a hundred; and the Major of the Same Regiment, with two 
Captains, and some Lieutenants and Enseigne's hurt. 

As for the baggage and cannon, wee had none to lose, our traine 
by good fortune not being come up to us; and our baggage being 
left behind at Furnes, at which place wee rally'd our beaten Army. 

And here I must not forgett to mention, what Monsr. de 
Gadagne a Lieut Generall in the French Army, and who com 
manded the French Foot that day, did on my behalf, when our 
Army was intirely routed, and none left standing on the feild, 
hearing that I was taken prisoner by the English, he took two or 
three Squadrons of the French horse along with him, whose Com 
manders were his particular freinds, and went with them across 
the feild to the place where the English then were; fully resolv'd, 
in case my fortune had been such, to haue rescued me by force out 
of their hands : But coming amongst them, and after a diligent 
inquiry finding there was no truth in that report, he return'd back 
with that satisfaction to his own command. 

At our first coming to Furnes, and for some days after the Bat- 
tell, wee thought our loss had been more considerable, then after- 

23 'de Brebsey' (MS. Campagnes, p. 268). 

24 *Des Anglois de Cromwel Fenwick et Lqckart Lieutenans Colonels . . . furent 
tuez' (p. 268). Tliis is an error. Lockhart was a General, and he was not killed. 

274 



1658 THE SURRENDER OF DUNKIRK 

wards it prov'd; for most of our foot Officers, as well as our com 
mon Soldiers, gott off., some by making their escape from the 
Enemy, others, and especially the Officers, by giving small summs 
of mony to those who (had] taken them ; of which number was Don 
Antonio de Cordoua, with many other Collonels and persons of 
note: So that by that time wee came to Nieuport, which was about 
the 26th of the same month, all our Regiments of foot, excepting 
the King's and the naturall Spaniards, were almost as strong as 
when they came into the feild. 

As for Monsr. de Turenne, so Soon as he had beaten us, he 
march'd back into his Lines, and continued his Seige, So that 
within * * * 25 days afterwards, Dunkirk was surrendered to him; 
which had not been so soon given up, if the Marquis de Leyde the 
Governour, had not been wounded, of which hurt he dyd with in 
few days. 

Wee remain'd at Furnes till the 26th, about which time the 
news was brought us, that the Town was to be delivered up, and 
then wee drew back to Nieuport. So soon as wee came thither, wee 
had another Junto, to consult what wee should do when the Enemy 
were masters of Dunkirk. Vpon which it was proposed by Don 
John, that wee should put our Selves all along the Canal betwixt 
Nieuport and Dixmude, and endeavour to defend it. Some who 
spoke after him, agreed to this, and others did not directly oppose 
it. But when it came to my turn to speak, I declar'd my opinion 
against it, and gave my reasons, because wee had not a sufficient 
strength of foot to maintain that post against a Victorious Army, 
ours being also dishearten 'd by their late defeat: I also desir'd 
them to consider into what miserable condition wee should De re 
duced, in case that passe should be forced upon us; for then it 
would be too late, and perhaps impossible to think of securing our 
great Towns, since the Enemy would haue their choice of attack 
ing, and also of mastering which of them they pleas'd; besides 
what other unknown mischeifs might arise from so hazardous an 
undertaking. 

Having us'd these and other arguments against it, I proposed 
that wee should divide our Army, and disperse it, as wee should 
judge most convenient, amongst our great places on that side of 
the Country where wee were, a particular regard being had to those 

** The French MS. does not specify the time, except that it was 'not long'. 

275 



CAMPAIGNS OF THE DUKE OF YORK 1658 

Towns, which in probability wee might expect to be next be- 
seiged; That this provision being made for their Security, what 
place soever should be attacked, might be in a condition of making 
a vigorous resistance, or at least defend itself so long, that when it 
should be taken it would be too late for the Enemy to sitt down 
before another; That during this seige, wee might haue leasure to 
draw the rest of our Troopes together, and withall might watch 
our opportunity of attempting somewhat against the Enemy. 

Vpon this motion of mine the whole affaire was again brought 
under a debate, and it was resolved at last, to divide our Army. 
Myself and the Marquis de Caracena were left in Nieuport, which 
place wee beleev'd would be next attempted: Wee had with us 
about two thousand foot, and as many horse. The Prince of 
Conde went to Ostend, with a sufficient body of men for the 
defense of that strong place; Don John with some foot and a con 
siderable body of horse put himself into Bruges; and the Prince de 
Ligny with the remainder went to Ypres. At our coming out from 
this Junto> the Prince of Conde ask'd me, Why I would venture 
to contradict Don John, as I had done? To which I answer 'd him, 
Because I had no desire to be forced to run again, as wee had done 
so lately at Dunkirk. 

This resolution being thus taken, the troopes began their march 
the same day to the severall posts which were assigned them : And 
within * * * 26 days after, Monsr. de Turenne with the body of the 
French Army came to Dixmude, and the Marquis de Crequi 
with the Van came and camp'd within litle more then canon-shott 
of Nieuport, betwixt that place and Dixmude, intending the next 
morning to haue pass'd the Canal which runs from Nieuport to 
Ostend, and to cutt off all our communication with that place ; at 
the same time also the whole Army was to haue come up to him, 
with intention to beseige us. But the next morning as they were 
ready to haue march' d, Monsr. de Turenne receiv'd orders from 
the Cardinal, not to attack till further directions from him, nor to 
undertake any other action, the King his master being fallen 
desperatly ill of a fever at Calais: By which accident wee escaped a 
Seige, and a most evident danger of being taken; for so careless 
had the Spaniards been, that when the Marquis de Crequi was 
come, and camp'd within our neighbourhood, wee had not ammu- 

26 c peu de jours aprez' (MS. Campagnes, p. 271). 
276 



1658 THE DUKE AT NIEUPORT 

nition sufficient for fifteen days; So that notwithstanding the 
great strength of our garrison, wee could not haue defended the 
Town long. 

But within a day or two after, wee were plentifully furnish'd 
with powder and shott from Ostend : So that if wee had been at 
tacked, wee should haue been able to haue made a good defence. 
And to inable ourselves the better to sustain a Seige, wee began a 
new Conterscarpe, and five half moons, with a langue de Serpent 
without the Canal, which incompass'd the old outworkes, which 
wee finished in the space of eight days, and then open'd our sluces 
to drown the Country round about us; but it had not the effect 
which wee expected, the ground about the Town being higher 
then it was suppos'd to haue been, however it did us some 
Seruice. 

As for the French Army, the body of it continued about Dix- 
mude, and Monsr. de Crequi lay within cannon shott of us, during 
all the time that the King of France was in danger by his fever. In 
this intervall our Generalls had a meeting at Planquendal, a Vil 
lage which lys upon the Canal betwixt Bruges and Nieuport; 
where it was resolv'd that so soon as the French Army should 
march from Dixmude, Don John, the Prince of Conde, and the 
Marquis de Caracena, should draw together to Bruges as many 
men as could be spar'd out of the other Towns, into which they 
had put their Army, with which body they should observe the 
motions of Monsr. de Turenne; and that I should still remain at 
Nieuport, with another body of horse and foot, tho of a less pro 
portion then the former, to secure and take care, as well as I was 
able, of that place, Ostend, and Bruges. 

This was the summ of their resolutions at that meeting; and as 
myself and the Marquis were going back to Nieuport, wee had a 
hott alarm, and were obliged to trott for two or three miles riding, 
for fear of being intercepted, before wee could reach that Town ; 
Monsr. de Varennes a Lieut. Generall of the French, being come 
down to the Side of the Canal to view it, and having pass'd some 
of his Horse over it, which gave us that allarm. Soon after this, the 
body of the French Army removed from Dixmude, but Monsr. de 
Crequi was left with the Troopes under his command, at the place 
where he then was incamp'd: Vpon notice of which, the Marquis 
de Caracena, in pursuance of what had been concluded at the last 

277 



CAMPAIGNS OF THE DUKE OF YORK 1653 

meeting, went from Nieuport, taking with him some Squadrons 
of Horse, and such Foot of the natural! Spaniards, as having been 
taken in the late Battell, and had made their escape out of the 
French Army, or bought themselves off, and with them march'd 
to the Rendezvous appointed, to joyn with Don John, and the 
Prince of Conde. 

I think it not materiall enough, in this place, to make a relation 
of all the petty skirmishes, and driving in of each others Guards, 
which pass'd betwixt us and Monsr. de Crequi ; nor of the litle 
stratagems and deuices which were used, to take or beat the ad- 
vanc'd Guards on either side, both of Horse and Foot, which wee 
were obliged to keep within muskett-shott of one another; So that 
there hardly pass'd a day without action, th5 not considerable 
enough to be related. 27 

Not many days after the Marquis de Caracena had left Nieu- 
port, Monsr. de Crequi drew off from his post in our neighbour 
hood, to go and joine Monsr. de Turenne who lay neer * * *; 28 
And had not an accident interveen'd, in all probability he had not 
march'd away so quietly: for about noon, I had intelligence from 
my out guards, that the Enemy was preparing to remove, and that 
already their baggage was going out of their Camp : Wherupon I 
went immediately to see whither that report was true, and at the 
same time gave order, for six hundred commanded Foot to be 
drawn out of all the Regiments, and to come to me with what 
expedition they could make : As also, that all my horse should get 
ready with the same diligence, and draw into the Conterscarpe, 
on that side of the Town which was next to the Enemy; my inten 
tions being to try what could be done upon their reere, in their 
going off. 

Being come to my outworkes, I found the intelligence to be 
true, and that not only their baggage was gone out, but that the 
troopes already were beginning to march: I therfore sent again for 
the Comanded Foot, as also for my own Troop of Guards, and 
two or three Squadrons more, to come immediatly to me: The 
Horse came accordingly, but not the Foot; for they lingered so 
long, that before they were with me, the Enemy was drawn off at 
so great a distance from the Town, that I thought it not safe to 

27 This paragraph is omitted in the MS. Campagnes (p. 273). 

28 Not specified in the MS. Campagnes (p. 273). 

278 



1658 TURENNE DEFEATS THE PRINCE DE LIGNE 

attempt any thing upon them. So that there pass'd nothing be 
twixt us, but only a slight Skirmish of Some loose Foot on either 
side, and one charge of Horse which was given by Some of our 
Volunteers, without order, to a small party of the Enemies Horse 
who brought up their Reer upon the dyke, in which a mettled 
page of mine, one Litleton, charg'd so home, that he was taken. 

The slowness of the Foot, which ruin'd this design, was occa- 
sion'd by the loss of a small Vessell, which happend to be cast 
away that morning closs by the Town, having run on ground 
before day at high water, so that when the tyde went off, she was 
left dry upon the Sands; which being seen by our men, they went 
to plunder her, and the Ship being laden with wine and brandy, 
most of our foot Soldiers had made themselves so drunk, that 
when they were commanded to their armes, it was not in the power 
of their Officers to take them from their liquour, et 29 gett them 
together time enough to come to the place where I expected them. 

As for the remainder of this Campagne, I shall not give a par 
ticular account of it, because I was not present in the feild; Only 
this in short: The Prince de Ligny, with the body which he com 
manded about Ypres, was defeated by Monsr. de Turenne, who 
accidentally lighted upon him with the Van of his Army near 
* * ^so where he expected not to find him ; And having cutt off all 
his Foot, followed him to Ypres, and beseig'd that place which he 
took within few days, and then march'd to Oudenarde, which he 
also mastered, it being a place of great importance, tho at that time 
of litle strength, Scituated upon the Scalde. 31 In this Town he 
left a strong garrison, as also in Dinse, and most of the places on 
the Lys: So that this blow given to the Prince de Ligny, prov'd 
to be of worse consequence to the Spaniards, then the defeat which 
wee received near Dunkirk ; for had it not been for this last misfor 
tune, in all probability the French had done litle during the rest of 
the Campagne, besides the taking of Gravelines, after the time 
which they were obliged to loose, while their King lay so disper- 
atly sick at Calais: But the defeat thus given to the Prince de 
Ligny, put into their hands the opportunity of taking in so many 
Towns, as otherwise they durst not haue attempted. 



29 and. 

30 Not specified in the MS. Camfagnes (p. 274). 

3 1 Scheldt. 



279 



CAMPAIGNS OF THE DUKE OF YORK 1658 

This I speak knowingly, having been inform'd of the whole 
matter since that time, by one who could give me the best relation 
of it. But to return to my own affaires at Nieuport : Not long after 
the Marquis de Crequi had left his quarters near that Town, 
Monsr. de Turenne being marchd toward * * *, 32 I drew out the 
troopes which remained with me, and march'd with them to the 
Suburbs of Bruges, governing my motions by the intelligence I 
had of those which were made by the Enemy, and still keeping 
behind one of the Canals, that I might avoid the hazard of en 
gaging upon unequall termes, or of receiving the least affront: by 
this means also taking care, that the Enemy might not get be 
twixt me and any of the Towns which were intrusted to my par 
ticular inspection. 

About the i6th of September, I march'd back to Nieuport, 
where I received the wellcome news of Cromwell's death; which I 
sent immediatly to Don John, at the same time desiring him to 
send Some other who might take upon him my command; it 
being of absolute necessity for me to go to Bruxelles, and attend 
the King my Brother upon this new alteration of affaires in 
England. 

Monsieur de Marsin was he that was order 'd to releeve me; 
who arriving at Nieuport on the 2 ist of September, I immediatly 
made what hast I could to Bruxelles, and return'd no more to the 
Army, the Season of the year being too far spent before I could 
leave the King; so that there was not any need of my presence at 
the place of my Command: And when the French Army was 
march'd back into their own Country, and our Troopes disposed 
into their winter-quarters, I went to Breda to the Princesse my 
Sister, where I continued for some time. 



32 Not specified in the MS. Campagnes (p. 275). 
280 



TH E Death of Cromwell, and the disturbances which most 
men foresaw would ensue upon it (his Son Richard having 
neither the parts nor vigour of his Father to govern and keep in 
order the Army) had rais'd the spirits of the Royall Party, which 
before were very low, by having so often attempted and so often 
miscarryed in their endeavours to restore the King: So that now 
forgetting all the hazards which they had already run, and dispis- 
ing those to which they were again to expose their lives and for 
tunes, they fell to work afresh ; and by the Severall changes which 
happened afterwards in a litle space of time amongst their Ene 
mies, had the opportunity of carrying on their design with a 
greater liklyhood of success then ever r 1 for they had not only pro 
vided themselves with armes and mony for a rising, but had en 
gaged in severall parts of the Kingdom many considerable men of 
the Presbyterian Party; and besides them, divers other persons 
whom either their interest, or their misled judgment, had hurryd 
into actuall Rebellion either against the then present King, or his 
Father: In the West of England, Collonel Popham, In Wales, 
* * *2 Mansfield, In Chesshyre, Sir George Booth, In Lincoln- 
shyre, Collonel Rossiter, In Norfolk, Sir Horatio Townshend; 
besides Sir William Waller, and many other men of great interest 
in the Countries where they liv'd: Of the Army, Coll: Charles 
Houard, Coll : Ingolsby, and others who by the death of Crom 
well, and the laying aside of his Son, had either lost their com 
mands or were in fear of losing them; such especially as had been 
of that Party which advised Cromwell to take the Crown upon 
him: In the City, Major Generall Brown, and in the Navy, Gener- 
all Montague. As for Genii Monk, who commanded in Scotland, 
it is doubtfu.il whither at that time he had it in his thought to per 
form, what afterwards he brought So well to pass. 

* Reprinted from the Life (I, 367-379). The narrative here is in the third person 
as in the MS. Gampagnes (pp. 277-287). 

1 All the above is slightly abbreviated in the French MS. (p. 277). 

2 There is no gap in the French MS. 

28l 



CAMPAIGNS OF THE DUKE OF YORK 1659 

Most of these who have been nam'd, were so far ingaged by 
those whom his Majesty intrusted with the managment of his 
affaires in England (who were these following Lord Bellasise, Col : 
John Russell, Sir William Compton, Coll: Edward Villars, Lord 
Loughbourow, and Sir Richard Willis) that the first of August 
was appointed for a generall rising through all England : And his 
Maty had resolv'd to be there in person to head them, together 
with the Duke, at their first appearing in the feild. Everything 
was accordingly prepar'd, and the King had already taken his 
measures, how and at what place he should land, and from thence 
to go where the risings were to be : But being in this readiness, and 
the time almost come for the embarquement to put this great 
affaire in execution, it was all dash'd and brought to nothing by 
the treachery of one man. 

This person was Sir Richard Willis, as it was afterwards dis- 
cover'd to his Majesty by the means of Mr. Moreland, he being 
one of those who was intirely trusted by the King in the manag 
ment of this design, and of THE SELECT KNOTT (as they 
caird them) and having been so all along, was corrupted by Crom 
well for some * * * 3 before he dyd; and constantly betrayed to him 
during his life, and after his death to those who succeeded him, 
our whole affaire, tho not the persons of any of his freinds (for 
such was the agreement he had made with that Party) undertaking 
either to frustrate any of the King's designs, or at least to adver 
tise them so early, that they might secure themselves from any 
such attempt: And he never fail'd them in any thing he promised; 
nor was ever press'd by Cromwell or others after him, to discover 
any particular persons who were carrying on his Majesty's 
Seruice; 4 neither did he betray any of them in this present junc 
ture, tho he had it in his power to haue put the Duke of Ormonde 
into their hands, when he was privatly in England. 

And now, according to his former practises, he set upon it to 
break this whole design: which he compass'd, by perswading 
THE SELECT KNOTT, 5 when all things were in a readiness 
and the day appointed just at hand, to deferr the rising for ten 

3 This should read e some little time before he died' *peu de temps avant sa mort' 
(MS. Campagnes, p. 279). 

4 The above passage is abbreviated in the MS. Campagnes. 

6 This expression is not translated in the MS., where we simply hear of the 'Chefs 
de la Conjuration'. 

282 



1659 THE DEATH OF CROMWELL 

days longer; using such arguments to work them into his opinion, 
as indeed were plausible enough, tho not convincing, if they had 
been throwly consider'd. But there was no room left for suspicion 
of such a man, whom they look'd upon as one firm to his Master's 
seruice, and to be as forward as the best of them for such an un 
dertaking; So that his advice prevailing, orders were accordingly 
dispatched to all who were ingag'd, that they should not take up 
armes till farther directions were sent them: Only Sir George 
Booth had no notice given him of this countermand, of whose in 
tentions to rise, Willis accidentaly knew nothing; But at the same 
time he sent over to Bruxelles, and advertis'd the King that the 
busines was put off, when both the King and Duke were just 
ready to haue come for England. 6 

This journy being thus deferr'd, his R. H. thought he had 
time enough before him to make a visit to his Sister, who was then 
at Honslarcdyke near the Hague, and to be back again with his 
Maty before he should sett out from Bruxelles: But it prov'd 
otherwise; for the day after his R. H. departure from that place, 
the news was brought thither, that Sir George Booth was up in 
Chesshyre, with a considerable body of men. Vpon which intelli 
gence, his Maty beleeving his freinds might also rise in other parts, 
as encouraged by this example, tho the last day appointed was not 
yet come, thought it proper for him to go over into England by 
the way of Calais; at the same time sending the Duke notice of it, 
that he might follow him : And the next day he sett out privatly 
from Bruxelles, taking along with him of his Servants only the 
Duke of Ormonde, Lord Bristol!, Daniel O'Neale, and Titus. 

As for the Duke, so soon as he had received the King's letter, 
he came away for Bruxelles without stopping any where : He en- 
ter'd privatly into the Town and went immediatly to Mr. Secre 
tary Nicholas' lodgings, from whence he sent word to the Chan- 
cellour, that he should come thither to him, that he might know 
from him what farther directions his Maty had left for him ; which 
were only these, that he should make hast after him to Calais, 
where he should know more, and that the Duke of Glocester 
should still remain at Bruxelles till farther orders. Having received 
this short account, he made no longer stay then just to put on his 
disguise, in which he was resolved to go to England; and taking 
6 This paragraph is rapidly paraphrased in the MS. Campagnes. 

283 



CAMPAIGNS OF THE DUKE OF YORK 1659 

with him only Charles Berkley and a Trumpetter, he travell'd day 
and night till he had overtaken his Majesty at Hazburck, short of 
St. Omers, where it was concluded that the King should go to 
Calais, and the Duke to Boulogne; where he was to provide a 
Vessell which might be in a readyness to transport him into Eng 
land, but not to stirr till the King sent his commands from Calais. 
Thus they parted, and his Maty arrived that night at his journys 
end, as he had designed; but his R. H. got not to Boulogne till the 
next morning. 

The Duke has been since inform'd, that from the very time his 
Maty left Bruxelles, the resolution was taken of his going to Fon- 
tarabie, he not having any opinion that Sir George Booth's busi 
ness would succeed. But that however he thought it not amiss to 
go by Calais, that in case some others of his freinds should rise, 
and new hopes be given him, he should be in a readiness to go 
over: if not, then to continue on his journey to Fontarabie. Whither 
this was true or not, is uncertain; but if it was true, the Duke was 
not made acquainted with it: for he did so firmly beleeve that he 
should pass over into England, that the same day he arriv'd at 
Boulogne, he sent Charles Berkley to the Lieut. Governour, to 
desire his assistance in procuring a boat for his passage into 
England, pretending that he had obtained leave from the Duke to 
go over privatly about some concerns of his own ; and that the 
Lieut. Governour might haue no suspicion of the Duke's being 
there, his R. H. writt a letter to him, dating it from Bruxelles, 
which letter Mr. Berkley delivered to him, and according to his 
desire he was immediatly furnish'd with a small Vessell; and now 
the Duke stayd only for his Maties further orders for Calais, be- 
leeving he should receive commands for his passage. 

Within a day or two, the King came himself to Boulogne, in his 
way to Abbeville, and told the Duke, That by the last letter which 
he had received at Calais, he had heard of no other rising, then 
only that of Sir George Booth; for which reason he thought it not 
convenient for either of them, as yet to adventure over the Seas; 
That, for himself, his intentions were to go along the Coast to 
wards Dieppe and Rouen, and if he heard any better news, then 
to pass over into the West to Popham, or into Wales to Mans 
field : But for the Duke, he was order'd to hover about those quar 
ters where he then was, and had permission given him to receive 

284 



1659 THE DEATH OF CROMWELL 

and open all letters which should be directed to the King; and, for 
the rest, it was left wholly to him to govern himself as he thought 
fitt, according to the intelligence which he should receive : Not 
withstanding which, some few days after, Doctor Allestree refus'd 
to give him a letter, which he brought out of England with him, 
for the King. 

After these directions, the King left his R. H. and went on to 
Rouen, from thence to St. Malo, and so by Rochelle to Thou- 
louse; from thence to Sarragossa, and then back again to Fontara- 
bie, hearing the conference at that place was not yet ended be 
twixt the French, and the Spaniard. His Maty at his departure 
from Boulogne had left Mr. Titus with the Duke, and within few 
days after they went together to Calais, there to informe them 
selves more particularly of the news from England; where Titus 
mett with Mr. Dawson newly arriv'd out of Kent, who told them, 
that the very day wheron he expected the King and the Duke at 
Linecourt, a Troop of Horse came thither, thinking to haue found 
them there, and that it was not without great difficulty he escap'd 
from them, and gott over into France : This accident being related 
to the Duke, surpris'd him very much, knowing how few were 
intrusted with the secret of their designing to go to that house; 
But afterwards when the practises of Sir Richard Willis came to 
light, he was known to be the person who had discovered that 
design to the Rebells. 

There happen 'd likewise another accident, while the Duke was 
then at Calais, which had like to haue given him some trouble, and 
might also haue been of bad consequence to others. It happen'd 
that an over-officious Captain, a Huguenot, who was in the Garri 
son of that Town, advertised the Lieut. Governour, Monsr. de 
Courtebonne, that the Duke was there in a disguise, and that he 
himself had seen him, knowing him very well, as having been in 
the French Army while the Duke serv'd there, and withall he gave 
notice where his R. H. was lodg'd : Upon which the Lieut. Gover 
nour commanded the gates to be shutt, and taking a Guard along 
with him went to the place, conducted by the Huguenot Captain. 
It was a blind ale-house 7 in a by-part of the Town, where he was 
led with an opinion of finding the Duke: But coming thither, he 
found the Informer was mistaken, for the person prov'd to be. Mr. 

7 4 un cabaret borgne' (MS. Campagnes, p. 283). 

285 



CAMPAIGNS OF THE DUKE OF YORK 1659 

Edward Stanley, Brother to the Earle of Darby, who was newly 
come to Calais, as were also many English gentlemen; who hear 
ing of the rising in England, came from all parts with intention to 
go over and serve their King. 

But the Lieut. Governour not content with this, and being told 
by the same person, or some other, that the Duke was in Town, 
went on with his inquiry, and searched the house of one Mrs. 
Booth an English-woman, where commonly her Countrymen us'd 
to lodge, leaving no part or corner of the house unsearch'd; but 
tho the Duke lay not there, yet by accident he had like to haue 
been found there: for he was going to that very place, when Titus 
met him in the street, and told him that the gates were com 
manded to be shutt, and that a search was actually making for 
him; for which reason he refrain'd from going thither, and gott 
into a house where the Lord Berkley and the Lord Langdale 
were, and there he continued till night, and then return'd to the 
Inne where he had taken up his lodging. 

The Lieut. Governour after this, made no further inquiry, but 
caus'd the gates to be open'd again an hour before night. Of all 
this the Duke was soon advertis'd; and some advis'd him to go 
out of Town the same night before the gates were shutt, that he 
might be so much taker (farther) 8 on, in his way to Boulogne ; but 
he refused that Counsell, because perhaps there might be a trap 
layd for him, and the gates on purpose left open to apprehend him 
as he returned out. He therfore judg'd it not secure for him to give 
them such a mark of knowing him, as they would haue, if he went 
out so hastily at so undue an hour. But betwixt twelve and one he 
had a hott alarm at his lodging, and verily beleev'd they were 
come to take him; for he was waken'd with great knocking and 
bouncing at the door of the Inne, and going to the window, he 
heard, as he thought, the noise of Soldiers ; neither was he mis 
taken in that opinion, for so they were : But their busines was not 
to search for the Duke, it was only to bring home the master of 
the house, who was dead drunk and brought home betwixt four of 
them. 

The next morning his R. H. in pursuance of what he had re- 
solv'd, went away for Boulogne, and return'd no more to Calais 

8 The text of the MS. Campagnes reads simply: 'pour aller a Boulogne', and the 
next few lines are summarised in a short sentence (p. 2 84). 



1659 THE DUKE VISITS TURENNE 

during all the time of his residence in those parts. Some time after. 
Captain Thomas Cook came thither from Paris, with letters to the 
Duke from the Queen his Mother, and commands to find out his 
Maty. These letters likewise informed him, that Monsr. de Tu- 
renne who was then about Amiens desir'd to speak with the King 
in reference to his affaires in England. Upon which the Duke 
went 9 immediatly to Abbeville, hoping there to haue found the 
King ; But his Maty was departed from thence, and all his R. H. 
could hear of him was that he was gone towards Dieppe, and 
thither he sent Captain Cook after him; who missing of him there 
also, went in quest of him as farr as Rouen, but his Maty was 
gone from thence also on his way to St Malo : Wherupon Cook 
return'd to the Duke, and gave him account of his fruitless dili 
gence. 

The busines was of too great importance to be neglected, and 
therfore his R. H. resolv'd on going himself privatly to Monsr. de 
Turenne : when he was come to him at Amiens, Monsr. de Tu~ 
renne told him, He had desired to speak to the King his Brother, 
but since his Maty was not to be found, he would do him the same 
seruice in the Duke's person : Therupon he offer'd him his own 
Regiment of foot, which he would make up twelve hundred men, 
and the Scots-Gendarmes, to carry over into England with him; 
That besides this, he would furnish him with three or four 
thousand spare armes, six feild peices with ammunition propor 
tionable, and tooles, and as much meale as would serve for the 
Sustenance of five thousand men for the space of six weeks, or two 
months ; and farther, would furnish him with Vessels for the con 
veyance of all this into England, and permitt the Troopes that his 
Maty had in Flanders, to march to Boulogne and there imbarke, 
with orders to follow the Duke as fast as Vessells could be pro 
vided for them; advising his R. H. to send directions to them, 
that they should march immediatly to St Omers where a pass 
should meet them. 

And that all these preparations might be compass'd with more 
ease and certainty, he offer'd the Duke to pawne his plate and 
make use besides of all his interest and credit, to make up such a 
sum of mony as should be thought necessary for the carrying on 
of the business : Concluding all with this expression, That his 

9 *prit ... la poste pour Abbeville' (MS. Campagnes, p. 284). 

287 



CAMPAIGNS OF THE DUKE OF YORK 1659 

R. H. might easily beleeve he had no orders from the Cardinal, 
who was then at the Conference, to perform all this ; but what he 
did was freely of himself, out of no other motive then kindness to 
the Duke, and to his family. 

Tis not hard to imagine, that his R. H. accepted of this noble 
Offer with great joy, and that he lost no time in designing where 
to land with these forces. The place resolv'd on was Rye, and that 
in case the Country should come in to him, he should march on to 
Maydstone and Rochester ; if not, then to fortify that Town, which 
by reason of its situation might be made so strong within few days, 
that Lambert should not easily haue forced him out of it ; and he 
would haue found him work enough in that Seige, to haue divided 
the forces of the Rebells, and disordered all their methods. 

These things being thus resolv'd, and order'd, the affaire was 
put into a forwardness ; and Monsr. de Turenne gave the Duke a 
letter to (the) Lieut Governour of Boulogne, wherein he was com 
manded to furnish his R. H. with all the Vessells, and Fisher- 
boats which he could get together in all his Government of the 
Boulonois. The Duke gave this letter himself to the Lieutenant 
du Roy, with another from the Mareshal d'Aumont his Governour 
which the Queen has procured and sent to the Duke from Paris, 
by which the Lieut was likewise order'd to assist his R. H. with 
Vessels, and all things he could desire. 

The busines was now so far advanced, and in such a readiness, 
that the Duke of Bouillon, and others 10 of M. de Turenne's 
Nephews, were to haue gone Volonteers with the Duke ; and the 
next day was appointed for his R. H. and his Soldiers to imbarke 
at Estape, 11 to which place the Troopes were already upon their 
march, when letters from England brought the unwelcome news 
of Sir George Booth's defeat by Lambert. Upon which the Duke, 
being then at Boulogne, went to Mr. de Turenne who was at 
Montreuil to informe him of it; who in that juncture thought it 
not advisable for his R. H. to adventure into England, but coun- 
sell'd him to haue patience and expect a better opportunity, which 
could not be long wanting to him, by reason of the disorders and 
distractions which must of necessity happen amongst them in 
England: Notwithstanding which reasons, the Duke press'd him 

10 'Le Due de Bouillon et le Comte D'Auvergne' (MS, Campagnes, p. 286). 

11 Staples. 

288 



1659 THE DUKE RETURNS TO BRUSSELS 

to consent that he might go, telling him that he beleev'd the King 
might be landed in the West, or somewhere in Wales, and be 
there ingag'd in difficulties and dangers; and that if his conjec 
ture should prove true, there was no other way of saving his Maty 
and gaining time for him to attempt any thing considerable, but 
the Duke's going over, and making a diversion : But these argu 
ments could not prevaile on Monsr. de Turenne to give his R. H. 
the leave which he So earnestly desir'd; for he replyd. That he 
was very confident his Maty was not gone for England, and that 
th5 he were, it was not reasonable for the Duke to hazard himself, 
when there was no probability of Success : He therfore counselled 
his R. H. to return to Flanders, and there to expect some news 
from the King his Brother, and fresh intelligence from England. 
And when he had concluded with this advice, knowing the Duke 
wanted mony, he lent him three hundred pistoles, and gave him a 
Pass. And thus an end was put to this design; and the Duke re 
turned to Bruxelles. 12 



12 The five preceding paragraphs, which describe Turenne's offers to James and 
his subsequent advice are translated fairly literally and in detail in the French MS. 
(pp. 284-287). The remainder of this section in the French MS. (from the bottom 
of p. 287 to the end) corresponds to the entry for 1660 which is reprinted below. 

The entry for 1659 in the French MS. stops at the point where the Duke is 
described as Ven retournant a Brusselles' (p. 287). But the three paragraphs that 
follow in the Life (I, 379-380) appear, translated, in the French MS. under the 
heading '1660'. 

289 



IN this way he pass'd through Peronne; where he privatly 
visited the Governour of that place, the Marquis d'Hocquin- 
court, 1 an old acquaintance of his, whom he had known in the 
French Army, who us'd him with all imaginable civility and kind 
ness. The 1 1 th of September he reached Cambray, and from thence 
went straight to Bruxelles: where he found, that notwithstanding 
the Duke of Glocester had deliver'd to the Marquis de Caracena 
the letters which his R. H. had written from Boulogne for the 
marching of his Troopes to St Omer, yet the Marquis would not 
permitt them to stirr out of their quarters ; tho he was sufficiently 
press'd to it by the Duke of Glocester: But he still answered, he 
did not beleeve Mr. de Turenne durst let them pass through any 
part of his King's Dominions, without order, which he knew he 
could not haue. Nor would he suffer them to draw down to the 
Sea-side, to which he was also urged by the Duke of Glocester, 
when he found he could not obtain his first point. What his rea 
sons were for refusing these two requests, the Duke could not 
learn; but as it happened, the denyall prov'd to be of no prejudice 
to his Majesties affaires ; Only it gaue opportunity to See what was 
to be expected from the Marquis, if things were left to his man 
agement. 

This design being thus blasted, and no hopes left of attempting 
any thing in England at that time, the Duke past the remaining 
part of this year at Bruxelles, expecting the King his Brother, who 
arrived thither from the Conference at Fontarabie a litle before 
Christmas. 

And to shew here, what litle expectation even the most intelli 
gent Strangers had at that time, of those Changes which happened 
so soon afterwards in England; his Maty, as he came back from 
Fontarabie through France, pressed the Cardinal very earnestly 

* Reprinted from the Life (I, 379-380 and 381-382). This corresponds with the 
last three pages of the French MS. Campagnes. 

1 The son of the Marshal who had deserted to the Spaniards and been killed in 
1658. 

290 



r66o THE DUKE OF YORK PREPARES TO GO TO SPAIN 

for leave to Stay, tho never so privatly, with the Queen his 
Mother, which small favour he was not able to obtain ; and ther- 
upon was forced to return to Bruxelles much against his inclina 
tion, having only Stay'd some few days with the Queen at Co- 
lombe (which he tooke in his way) a civility which could not well 
be refused him. 2 

The hopes concerning England being now reduced to the 
lowest ebb, in the beginning of the year, 1 660, an offer was made 
to the Duke, of commanding in Spain against Portugal, and also 
to be their High Admiral with the Title of Principe de la Mare; 
which office, the Duke has been told, was never given to any but 
the King's Sons or near Relations, and whoever enjoys it com 
mands the Galleys as well as Ships, and wherever he lands he 
commands as Vice Roy of the Country whilst he stays in it; he has 
also the fifts of all Prises, and a great Salary, besides other con 
siderable perquisits: So that this was not only a very honorable 
post, but also a very advantageous one even as to profit, which was 
what the Duke then wanted. He therefore readily consented to 
the offer which was made to him, the King his Brother ratifying it 
with his free permission. 

And now his R. H. was preparing to go for Spain in the ensu 
ing spring, when that Voyage was happily prevented by the won- 
derfull Changes, which were almost daily produced in England: 
And when the motion was once begun, it went on so fast, that his 
Majesty was almost in his own Country, before those abroad, 
especially the Spaniards, would beleeve there was any Revolution 
towards it; for even after Sir John Greenfeild 3 was come over to 
the King from Genii Monk, they yet beleev'd him as far as ever 
from his Restoration, and were so possest of that opinion, that 
they let him go into Holland. And at last when his Maty was at 
Breda not many days before he embarked for England, the Mar 
quis de Caracena endeavour'd to perswad him to return to Flan 
ders. 

He pretended he had busines of importance to acquaint his 
Maty with from England, some persons being come over from 
thence to Bruxelles, who had great offers to make to him: And he 

2 This paragraph appears in the French translation on p. 289, immediately after 
the paragraph relating the Spanish offer. 

8 'Le Chevalier Grenville' (MS. Campagnes, p. 289). 

291 



CAMPAIGNS OF THE DUKE OF YORK 1660 

sent the Count de Grammont with letters to him on that occasion, 
desiring his Maty would be pleas'd to give himself the trouble of 
coming but as far as Antwerp, or at least to West-Wesel, he not 
being able to wait on him (as he knew he ought) any where out of 
his Master's Dominions. But his Majesty had no inclinations to 
venture his person in the hands of the Spaniards, not knowing 
what the consequences might be; And besides he could easily 
judge, that it must either be a pretence to draw him thither, or in 
deed a thing not worth his journy, his return to England being 
then ascertained. 

But because he would give the Marquis no reason of complaint, 
he sent the Duke to Bruxelles, and desir'd the Marquis to impart 
the business to him ; When his R. H. came thither, he found it was 
only Coll : Bampfeild who was come over with some ayry proposi 
tion from Scott, and some of that Party : From whence the Duke 
concluded, that his Maty had done wisely not to stirr from Breda, 

When his R. H. stayd a day or two with the Marquis, he re 
turned to the King his Brother, who some few days after went to 
the Hague, where he was very well received; and embarking him 
self at Schevelin about the latter end of May, (23d) on boord the 
English Navy, commanded then by Generall Montague, he 
landed with his two Brothers, The Duke of York and the Duke of 
Glocester, at Dover, the * * * 4 (25th) of the same month, and 
made his entry into London on the 29th, which happen 'd to be 
his Birth-day. 



4 f le 28 du mesme mois' (p. 290). '28' is entered in the MS. in a different hand, 
perhaps that of James himself. 

292 



INDEX 



Abbey of Mont St Eloy, 166-8 
Ablon, 102-4 
Agecourt, Capt. d', 77, 81 
Allestree, Dr., 285 
Angeau, Marquis d', 119 
Anne of Austria, 100, in, 218 
Anne, Queen of England, 8, 10 
Anne-Marie-Louise d'Orleans. See 

Montpensier 
* Archduke'. See Leopold 
Arcy, M. d', 174, 223 
Ardres, 233-8 
Arras, 156-90 
Aston, Capt., 272 
Aubrey, John, 3 

Aumont, Marshal d', 119-20, 124, 288 
Auvergne, Philippe d', 44 
Auvergne family. See Bouillon; Turenne 

B 

Bampfield, Col., 292 

Bar (or Barr), M. de, 169, 178, 189 

Barkley (cornet), 117 

Bar-le-Duc, 113-15, 117-22 

Barr. See Bar 

Bascourt, M.de, 253 

Bassecourt, M. de, 126, 127 

Bastille, 93 

Battles: Arras, 178-90; The Dunes, 

255-75; Porte St. Antoine, 85-94. 

See also Sieges 

Baume, Francois de la. See Valon 
Baynes, Col., 273 
Beaufort, Due de, 82, 90, 94-7 
Beaujeu, M-, 77? 7^> T 39' I 4> I ^ 1 
Beauregard, M., 174 
Beauveau, 1612 
Bebsey, M. de, 274 
Bellasise, Lord, 282 
Belle Cense Regiment, 88 
Bellechassaigne, Lt., 138 
Bellefonds, M. de, 186 
Belleveder (officer), 273 



Bergue, 238-9 

Berkley (or Berkeley), Charles, 173, 174, 
222-3, 232, 245, 251, 265, 284, 286 

Berkley, Sir John, 57, 58, 71 

Berlo, Baron de, 66, 69 

Betbese, Col., 269 

Biscara, 189 

Bknquefort, Marquis de, 257 

Bleneau, 60-3 

Bodervitz, Col., 181 

Bohemia, Queen of, 2 

Boniface, Caspar, 260, 263-5, 2 ^7> 273 

Booth, Mrs., 286 

Booth, Sir George, 281, 283, 284, 288 

Bossuet, J. B., 40 

Bouillon, Emmanuel-Theodose de la 
Tour d' Auvergne, Cardinal: role in 
preservation of Memoirs, 14-15; life 
of, 37-42; Preface to Memoirs, 52-3 

Bouillon, Frederic-Maurice, Due de: 
life of, 38-39; and Mazarin, 86, TOO; 
advises court, 97 
Bouillon, Godefroid-Charles-Henri, 39, 

43 
Bouillon, Godefroid-Maurice, Due de, 

39 

Bouillon, Henri ^de. See Turenne 
Bouillon family, 3 8-9, 44-5 
Bourgueville, Bernardin, See Clinchamp 
Bout-de-bois, Col., 181 
Boutteville, M. de, 165, 256, 273 
Breuaute", Marquis de, 189 
Brie-Comte-Robert, 101-2, 104 
Briol, Comte de, 143 
Briole (or Briolle), Baron de, 69, 189 
Briscara (volunteer), 173 
Bristol, Earl of, 30, 34, 115, 117, 

248-51,260,271,273,283 
Broglio, Comte Carlo de, 70, 1 69, 1 7 8, 1 89 
Broussel, Pierre, 96 
Brown, Gen., 281 
Brussels, 248, 251, 290-2 
Buckingham, Duke of, 182 
Bussy, Comte de, 45 
Bussy-Rabutin, M. de, 208 

293 



INDEX 



Calais, 228-9, 285-7 
Cambrai, 226-7, 2 5 2 
Campagnes. . . de Jacques Stuart, 2 5-7, 

29> 33 
Caracena, Marquess of: prepares attack 

Calais, 228; siesta hour, 2 31; stickler 
for formalities, 2345; character of, 
235; at Battle of the Dunes, 255-8, 
265-6, 270-1; veto power of, 256; 
at Nieuport, 276-8; refuses release 
James's troops, 290; attempts to lure 
Charles II into Flanders, 291-2 

Carignan, Prince de, 88-9, 92 

Carte, Thomas, 21 

Caryll, John, 22, 54 

Cassel, 253 

Castelnau, Jacques, Marquis de: life of, 
I39n; at Ham, 141; troops refuse to 
obey, 145; good at sieges, 154; horse 
shot from under, 174; at Arras, 178; 
botches Haisne River encounter, 
204-6; false account of Conde 
retreat, 206, 210; converses with 
enemy, 240; at Battle of the Dunes, 
263 

Catholicism in France, 40-1 

Champfort, M. de, 1 1 8 

Charles I, King of England, 2, 3, 4 

Charles II, King of England: appearance 
of, 2; poverty in exile, 5; with Spanish 
armies, 7; political skill, 9; death, 10; 
with Lorraine's army, 77-8; mediates 
between court and Lorraine, 78-81; 
Parisian animosity towards, 83; in 
Flanders, 219; receives James in 
Flanders, 225; solicits Don Juan, 242; 
marches on Mardyck, 243; riding on 
shore, 245; to Brussels, 24650; 
troubles with Spaniards, 248; pro 
posal join troops with Condi's, 249; 
urges strong garrison for Dunkirk, 
251; affairs in England, 281-3; 'THE 
SELECT KNOTT' uprising for, 282-3; 
awaits results Booth uprising, 284; 
Turenne offers aid in invading 
England, 287-8; Mazarin refuses 
favour to, 290-1; Restoration of, 
291-2 

Charles IV, Due de Lorraine: dupes 

294 



Mazarin, joins Princes, 72; marches 
on Paris, 76; treaty with Turenne, 
78-81; negotiates with court, breaks 
treaty and marches, 100-1; advances 
up the Yerre, 104; quits Paris, no 

Chastenet, Jacques de. See Puysegur, 
Marquis de 

Chateau Cambresis, 197-8 

Chateau d'Ablon, 102-4 

Chateau-Porcien, 124-6 

Chauny, 99 

Chavigny, M. de, 211 

Choiseuil, Comte de, 84, 88n 

Churchill, John, 28 

Churchill, Winston, 15, 1 8, 21 

Clarke, J. S., 21, 28-31, 33 

Clement XI, Pope, 41 

Clerville, Chevalier de, 150 

Clinchamp, Baron de, 64 

Coligny, M. de, 273-4 

Colmanar (or Colmenar), Comte de, 
232, 265 

Colme River, 238-9 

Compton, Sir William, 262 

Conde*, Prince de: historian invents 
speech for, 345; documentation on, 
45-6; biography of, 6on-6in; engages 
with Turenne at Bl&aeau, 603; 
leaves army to divided command, 
634; and battle of St Antoine, 
84-94; heroism of, 94; Paris refuses 
entry to, 94-5; Mademoiselle per 
suades Paris to admit, 956; horror at 
officers* death duel, 97n; to Limay, 
104; quits Paris, no; attempts to 
save drunken officer, 115; sets fires to 
force own troops evacuate town, 
1 1921; delays in attacking Turenne, 
1 37; at Arras, 156, 158, 168, 172-8, 
186-9; comment on Spanish formali 
ties, 1 68; and Turenne's mutual 
knowledge of one another, 186; 
opposes Spanish post on Haisne, 
203-4; dupes Castelnau, gains time 
for retreat, 205; sends captured 
cornets back to King, 209; anger with 
Turenne over false report of retreat, 
209; atTournay, 212; negotiates with 
d'Hocquincourt, 216; relieves Cam 
brai, 226-7; prepares to attack Calais, 
228; Spanish disapproval of personal 



INDEX 



reconnoitering by, 236-7; illness of, 
242; comment on Spaniards' faults, 
242; Bristoll proposes James join 
forces with, 248 5 1; and Battle of the 
Dunes, 255-62, 268-73; to Ostend, 
276; at Bruges, 278 

Conde (city), 206-8 

Conflans, Marquis de, 181, 273 

Convoy foraging, 197-8, 212-15 

Cook (or Cooke), Thomas, 272, 287 

Corbeil, 58, 104-9 

Cordoua, Antonio de, 260, 273, 275 

Courtebonne, M. de, 285 

Coventry, Sir William, 7 

Cravats, 192-6, 212 

Crequi, Francois de: life of, I4$n; in 
Arras, 156, 163; wounded, 211; at 
Battle of the Dunes, 263; skirmishes 
with Spaniards, 277-8; leaves Nieu- 
port, 280 

Cresse, Louis, 22 

Crew, Mr., 245 

Croatians. See Cravats 

Crofts, Lord, 58, 78 

Cromwell, Oliver; treaty with France, 
21618; Lockart ambassador of, 224; 
sends troops to France, 227, 233; 
French pledge maritime towns to, 
239; offended at civilities shown 
James, 246; urges French besiege 
Dunkirk, 252; death of, 280, 281 

Cromwell, Richard, 281 

D 

d'Agecourt See Agecourt 

d'Angeau. Bee Angeau 

Darchem, Col., 273 

d'Arcy. See Arcy 

d'Aumont. See Aumont 

d'Auvergne, Emmanuel-Theodose. See 

Bouillon 

d'Auvergne, Philippe. See Auvergne 
Dawson, Mr., 285 
d'Eclinvilliers. See Eclinvilliers 
d'Elbeuf. See Elbeuf 
del Prato, Tito, 239 
d'Equancourt. See Equancourt 
Des Marais, 84 
Despiller, Gov., 119 
des Roches, Capt., 274 



d'Estrees. See Estrees 

d'Etres. See Etres 

d'Hocquincourt. See Hocquiacourt 

d'Humieres. See Humieres 

d'Huxelles. See Uxelles 

Dicconson, Edward, 128 

Dicconson, William, 21, 27-8 

Dixmude, 276-7 

Don Juan. See Juan, Don 

d' Orleans. See Montpensier; Orleans 

Douglas Regiment, 88, 91 

Droot (or Drout), Col., 161, 162 

Drunkenness: of Conde's officer causes 
his death, 115, 118-19; of soldiers 
halts march, 112; of soldiers plunder 
ing shipwreck prevents battle, 279 

Dryden, Charles, 19, 21-2, 25, 29-30 

Du Bourg, Lt., 274 

Dubuisson, Gov., 125 

Du Mont, Major, 68, 69 

Dunes, Battle of the, 255-75 

Dunkirk, 239, 241-7, 251-75 

Du Passage, M., 178 

Du Plessis-Praslin, Comte, 88, 154, 202 

Du Roy, Lt., 254, 288 

Du Tot, Charles-Henri, 118-19 

d'Uxelles. See Uxelles 

d'Vxelles. See Vxelles 



Eclinvillers (or Eclinvilliers), M. d', 

90, 178, 181, 189 
Edgar, James, 19 
Edinburgh, Duke of, i 
Edward III, King of England, I 
Elbeuf, Due d', 99, 119-20, 124 
Elizabeth, Princess, 3 
Elizabeth of Nassau, 38 
Elvige, Lt., 265 
England, Royalist plans to invade, 248, 

287-9 

Equancourt, Baron d', 156, 163 
Estrees, Comte d', 94 
Etampes, 65-76 
Etr&, Comte d', 123 



Faber, Mr., 164 
Farrell, Capt., 264, 273 
Fenelon, de la Mothe-, 40-3 

295 



INDEX 



Fenwick, Col., 264, 274 
Ferte-Saint-Nectaire. See La Ferte 
Feversham, Earl of, 257 
Flammarans, Marquis de, 912 
Foraging procedures, 105-6, 197-8, 

212-15 

Fouge, Mr., 115 
Fox, Charles, 20 
Francis, Prince of Lorraine, 179, 182, 

183 

Frazer, Doctor, 30, 223 

French Army. See Turenne 

Frigates, English, 244 

Fronde: Mademoiselle sways Paris in 
favour of, 95-6; H6tel de Ville 
massacre, 96; death duel of two mem 
bers, 97. See also Conde; Princes' 
Party 

Frost, effect on Army, 123-6 

Fuenseldagne, Comte de: life of, 1 1 2n 
I3n; retires from Bar-le-duc, 114, 
115, 1 1 6; persuades Cond6 to delay 
attack, 137; at Arras, 168, 176-8, 
183-8; Haisne River retreat, 204; 
at Notre-Dame, 211 

Furstemberg, Comte de, 69 



Gadagne, Comte de, 67-9, 72-3, 8r, 

274 
Gamarra, Don Estevan de, 255, 256, 

259> 271 

George II, King of England, 43 
George IV, King of England, 21, 28 
George VI, King of England, i 
Gloucester, Henry, Duke of: youth, 3; 
Conde advises of coming battle, 34, 
260; in Flanders, 222; at siege of 
Ardres, 236; illness of, 242, 248; at 
Battle of the Dunes, 266; at Brussels, 
283; urges Spanish release James's 
troops, 290; lands in England, 292 
Godonviller, Capt., 119 
Goni, Diego de, 260 
Grace, Richard, 260, 270 
Grammont, Comte de, 202, 292 
Grandpre", Comte de, 214 
Gravelines, 238-9 
Greenfeild, Sir John, 291 
Guadagne, M. de, 262 

296 



Guiche, Comte de, 208 
Guise, Chevalier de, 115 
Guitaud, Col., 260 
Guitaut, M. de, 91 

H 

Haisne River, 2026, 209 
Ham, 140-1 
Hamilton, George, 245 
Harvey, William, 3 
Henning, Comte de, 208 
Henri, Vicomte de Turenne. 

See Turenne 
Henrietta Maria, Queen of England, 

2, 4, 57, 78, 83, 219, 222, 291 
Henry IV, King of France, 3 8 
Henry, Duke of Gloucester. 

See Gloucester 
Hinton, Major, 264 
Histoire du Ficomte de Turenne , 223, 

25> 3i~5 
Hocquincourt, Marshal d': biography 

of, 6 in; Cond drives out at Ble"neau, 
61-3; at Etampes, 65-71; at Stenay, 
164, 165, 177; at Arras, 165-6, 169, 
17788; rumoured treaty with Conde*, 
216; Irish regiment surrenders to, 
221; joins Spaniards, 254; and Battle 
of the Dunes, 255-8; death, 257 

Hocquincourt, Marquis d' (Marshal's 
son), 290 

Hotel de Ville, massacre at, 96 

Houard, Charles, 281 

Hull, Governor of, 3 

Humieres, Marquess d', 145, 151, 171, 
189, 193-4, 240 

Huxelles. See Uxelles 

Hyde, Anne, 8, 27, 30, 35, 219 

Hyde, Edward, 5 

i 

Inesse, George, 54 

Inesse, Louis, 16, 18, 54 

Inesse, Thomas, 18, 19, 21, 28, 29, 

54 

Ingolsby, Col., 281 
Innes. See Inesse 
Innocent XI, Pope, 40 
Islebonne. See Tlslebonne 



INDEX 



James II, King of England: achieve 
ments, i; life summarized, i n; 
youth, 1-5; poverty, 5, 289; in 
French Army, 58, 57-218; in 
Spanish Army, 7, 226-80; as Lord 
High Admiral, 8-9; Catholicism of, 
911; reign, 10; Memoirs, 1323, 
25-36, 52-3; documents on, 25-36; 
literary style, 36-7; affection for 
Turenne, 53; caught on ambling mount 
at battle, 7 5; negotiates with Lorraine, 
77-8; aids Charles in mediating treaty, 
78-81; observes enemy for Turenne, 
104; and Turenne join skirmishers, 
1 04; soldiers too drunk to march, 112; 
Irish regiment offers to serve with, 
122; engagement near Arras, 162-3; 
in battle of Arras, 178-85; on forage 
duty, 213-14; compelled to leave 
France, 21618; takes leave of French 
court, 223; meets Cromwell deputy, 
2245; arrives in Flanders, 225; 
prepares to attack Calais, 2289; 
opposes Spaniards' delay before attack, 
2312; French fire on his Spanish 
allies, but spare him, 2323; Spanish 
disapproval of personal reconnoitering 
by, 2367; conversations with French 
annoy Spanish, 239-40; recognized by 
greyhound, 239; Spanish ignore 
advice they attack enemy, 241-2; 
troops ill, 242; Reynolds seeks inter 
view with, 244-6; English comman 
der's civility to, 244-6; Bristoll tries 
to persuade join troops with Conde's, 
248-51; at Battle of the Dunes, 
25575; enemy troops mistake for 
own officer, 270; French friend 
believes prisoner, tries to rescue, 274; 
advises Spanish army after Dunes, 
275-6; at Nieuport, 276-80; pre 
pares to invade England, 283-4; in 
disguise at Calais, 285-7; Turenne 
offers aid with invasion, 287-9; 
Spain offers high command to, 291; 
mission to Caracena, 291-2; lands in 
England, 292 

James, Duke of Monmouth. See Mon- 
mouth 



James Stuart. See Stuart 

Jermyn, Henry, Lord, 78, 80, Si, 167, 

*73> 2 57 

John, Don. See Juan 

Joyeuse, M. de, 173-4 

Juan, Don: life of, 228n; takes siesta, 
loses enemy, 231; stickler for formali 
ties, 234-5; character of, 235; dis 
approval of personal reconnoitering, 
2367; marches on Mardyck, 2423; 
attempts to seize English frigates, 244; 
at Dunkirk, 239, 2559, 2635, 
270, 271; at Bruges, 276, 278; James 
asks to be relieved of command, 280 

K 

Knight, Capt., 237 

KNOTT, THE SELECT, 282-3 



La Baume. See Valon 

La Berge, M. de, 274 

La Ferte, Due de: life of, 72n; at battle of 
St. Antoine, 82-5; to St. Menehou, 
112; fury at Turenne's entering St. 
Michel, 116-17; besieges Ligny, 1 1 8; 
delays deprive Turenne of victory, 
1 20-1; takes Ligny, 122-3; and siege 
of Mousson, 143, 147, 150; at Arras, 
159, 163, 168, 169, 177-89; threat 
ens to rip open messenger, 163; 
unwillingness to do battle, 168-9; 
at King's council, 202; mistake at 
siege of Conde, 207; besieges St. 
Guislain, 210; besieges Montme"dy, 
228-30 

La Feuillade, M. de, 201 

La Fevre, Antoine, 96 

La Fuitte, Major, 83 

La Guillottiere, M. de, 178 

La Loge, Capt., 89 

Lambert, John, 288 

La Motte, 66, 69 

La Marck, Charlotte de, 38 

La Motterie, Comte de, 273 

Landor, Walter Savage, 1 3 

Landrecies, 200-1 

Langdale, Lord, 286 

Laon, Vidame de, 151 

La Rochefoucauld, Due de, 46, 91 

297 



INDEX 



La Tour d'Auvergne family, 38-9; see 
also Bouillon, Turenne 

Laud, Archbishop, 2 

Leopold, Archduke of Austria, 97, 186 
204, 211 

Leyde, Marquis de, 253-4, 275 

1'Hopital, Marshal de, 95-6 

Life of James II collected . . . his own 
hand, 25, 27-36 

Ligneville, M. de, 81 

Ligny, 117-23 

Ligne, Prince de: at Mons, 212, 214; 
fails to surprise Calais, 228-9; ^ oses 
enemy rather than attack without 
orders, 231-2, 241-2; and Battle 
of the Dunes, 25 5, 267; bravery, 271; 
at Ypres, 276; Turenne defeats, 279 

Limay, 104 

Limbeck, Baron de, 273 

Lisbourg, Col., 85, 94 

Tlslebonne, M. de, 172-4, 178 

Litleton (page), 279 

LLloyd, Capt., 207 

Lockhart, Sir William, 224-5, 2 4-6> 2 ^3> 
264, 266, 267 

Longueville, Due de, 59, 115 

Lorge, Comte de, 161 

Lorraine. See Charles IV, Due de 
Lorraine; Francis, Prince de Lorraine 

Loughbourow, Lord, 282 

Louis II de Bourbon. See Cond, Prince 
de 

Louis XIY, King of France: driven from 
Paris, 4; James as pensioner of, 10; 
Bouillon chaplain to, 39; defiance of 
Papacy, 40-1; issue of withdrawal 
to Lyons, 978; retires to Pontoise, 
98-9; re-enters Paris, 110-12; maps 
strategy against Spaniards, 1302; 
consults with Army, 201-2; Conde 
sends captured cornets back to, 209; 
joins Army at St. Guislain, 210; illness 
postpones siege, 276, 277 

Louvois, Marquis de, 39-40 

Lyons, 97-9 

M 

Macpherson, James, 23, 25 
Mademoiselle. See Montpensier 
Mancini, Paul, 88 

298 



Manriques, Joseph, 273 

Mansfield, Mr., 281 

Manuscripts pertaining to Memoirs, 

13-23 

Man waring (soldier), 117 

Marck. See La Marck 

Mardyck, 239-46 

Marlborough, 15, 1 8, 21 

Marsillac, Prince de, 208 

Marsin, Comte de, 187, 205, 240, 243, 
280 

Mary of Modena, 10, 19, 22 

Mary II, Queen of England, 4, 8, 10, 
248, 250, 280, 283 

Mazarin, Cardinal: opposition to, 57, 
59, 96; orders blockade of Etampes, 
71; Lorraine's double-dealing with, 
72; and Battle of St. Antoine, 84-5; 
Parisian hatred of, 94; agrees to move 
to Pontoise, 99; leaves kingdom, i oo; 
at siege of Bar-le-duc, 119; and La 
Fertd, 121; orders winter sieges, 
123-7; troops curse, 127; maps 
strategy against Spaniards, 1302; 
consults with Army, 201-3; joins 
Army, 210; negotiations with d'Hoc- 
quincourt, 216; reassures James re 
Cromwell, 218; covets Cambrai, 227, 
252; refuses favour to Charles II, 
290-1 

Megen, Comte de, 133 

Meille, Comte de, 274 

Mtmoires du Due d y Torch, 25,3 1-5 

Meneses, Francisco de, 260 

Metz, M. de, 224 

Messenger with swallowed note, 163 

Michel, Col., 269, 273 

Mining operations, during sieges, 144-5 x 

Modena, Duke of, 218 

Modena, Mary of, 10, 19, 22 

Monchy, Charles de. See Hocquincourt, 
Marshal d' 

Monck. See Monk 

Mondejeu M. de, 163, 187-8 

Monk, Gen., 281, 291 

Monmouth, Duke of, 9 

Montal (commander), 69 

Montagu, Sir Edward, 36 

Montague, Gen., 254, 281, 292 

Montaulieu, M. de, 183 

Montbernanson, 230-4 



INDEX 



Montecucculi, Comte Raimund, 6 in 

Montgomery, M. de, 262, 267 

Montmedy, 22830 

Montmorency, M. de, 273 

Montpensier, Duchesse de ( c La Grande 
Mademoiselle 5 ): memoirs of, 46; 
Turenne lets pass through lines, 
inspects Princes' troops, 65-6; per 
suades Paris to admit Conde, 95-6; 
ordered to leave Paris, 112 

Montpezat, M. de, 21 1 

Mont St Eloy, 166-8 

Mont St Quentin, 134-5 

Morgan, Gen., 263 

Morieul, Col. de, 270 

Mouchy-le-Preux, 15760 

Mousson, 142-53 

Muir, Percy, 13-23 

Muskerry, Lord, 223, 236-7, 260, 262, 
273 

N 

Nantouillet, Marquis de, 88 
Navy, James's contribution to, i 
Navailles, Due de, 77, 88-91, 154, 169 
Nemours, Due de, 60, 91, 97 
Nettencour Regiment, 108 
Neuville, Chevalier de, 94 
Newbourgh, Lord, 244-6, 260 
Nicholas, Mr., 283 
Nieuport, 27680 

o 

Gates, Titus, 9 

'Old Pretender'. See Stuart, James 
Francis Edward, 25, 27 

O'Neale, Daniel, 283 

Orange, Prince of, 2 

Orange, William of. See William III, 
King of England 

Orleans, Anne-Marie-Louise d'. See 
Montpensier 

Orleans, Gaston, Due de: James to serve 
against, 58; hides in garden during 
battle, 95; and Hotel de Ville dis 
order, 967; skirmishers show off to, 
1 06; leaves Paris, 112; troops dis 
banded, 113. See also Montpensier 

Ormond, Duke of, 223, 225, 243, 282, 

283 

Oudenarde, 279 



Paris: refuses to admit Conde, 84, 94-5; 
battles in suburbs, 8494; fires on 
Turenne, 93; Mademoiselle sways for 
Fronde, 95-6; Hotel de Ville mass 
acre, 96; lessening of animosity 
towards King, 100; wearies of 
Princes, 105-6; Princes leave, Louis 
XIV enters, 11012 

Passage, M. de, 210 

Pepys, Samuel, r, 8, 36 

Persan, Marquis de, 1 29 

Pertuys, Lt., 94 

Picardy, 88, 91 

Plessis-Praslin. See Du Plessis-Praslin 

Pleur (officer), 66, 69 

Poliac, M., 119 

Pontoise, 98-9 

Popham, Col., 281 

Porte St. Antoine, 85-94 

Powder explosion incident, 160-1 

Prato. See del Prato 

Princes' Party: Spanish Army prepares 
to join, 97; Spaniards' reluctance to 
give too much aid to, 99; leaves Paris, 
no. See also Conde; Fronde 

Purging of messenger incident, 163 

Puymarais, M. de, 189 

Puysegur, Marquis de, 45 

Q 

Queraeux, M. de, 183 
Quesnoy, 191-3 
Quietism, 40-1 
Quince, Comte de, 70 

R 

Rabutin, Roger de. See Bussy, Comte de 
Ramsay, Andrew Michael, 25, 26, 31-5, 

42-4 

Randall, David A., 13-23 
Ravenel, M. de, 138 
Regimental honours, 144, 211 
Renel, Comte de, 74, 75, 197 
Renty, Marquis de, 232 
Rethal, 129 

Retz, Cardinal de, 46, 64, 106 
Reynolds, John: interview with James, 

31, 244-6; asks Turenne for troops, 

299 



INDEX 



233; commands Mardyck, 242; 

death, 246 
Richelieu, Marquis de, 36, 38, 71, 76, 

88-9, 107, 161 
Risbourg (officer), 273 
Rivers, impossibility of defending, 2 5 2-3 
Robec, Prince de, 273 
Rochefoucauld. See La Rochefoucauld 
Rochepair, M. de, 214 
Rochester, Lord, 78 
Romero, Francisco, 273 
Roncherolles, M. de, 178 
'Rope around neck' death prophecy, 93 
Rosnay, Comte de. See 1'Hdpital 
Rossiter, Col., 281 
Roussillon, M. de, 113-15 
Russell, John, 282 



St. Antoine, 85-94 

Saint-Cloud, 83-4 

St. Ge, Chevalier de, 189 

St. Guislain, 210-12, 253 

St. Jean, M. de, 179 

St. Lieu, M. de, 156, 163 

Saint-Maigrin, Marquis de, 86, 87, 90 

Sainte-Menehould (or Menehou), 
123-4, 154-5 

St. Michel, 116-17 

St. Venant, 234 

Salazar, Comte de, 227 

Sand Hills battle. See Dunes 

Sandwich, Earl of, 36 

Saulx, Jacques de. See Tavannes 

Savali, Pedro, 211 

Savoie, Charles-Am6de*e de. See Nem 
ours, Due de 

Savoy, Duchess of, 218 

Schomberg, Comte de, 74-5, 133, 151 

Scots College of the University of Paris, 
15, 1 6, 20, 54 

Scott (Mr.?), 292 

Sedan, Prince de. See Bouillon, Frde*ric 

Sedan, 38 

Seine River, 83-4, 103 

Senneterre, Henri de. See La Ferte* 

Sequin, Le Sieur, 107 

Seralvo, Marquis de, 260, 273 

Shaftesbury, Lord, 9 

Sieges: Ardres, 233-8; Arras, 156-90; 

300 



Bar-le-Duc, 113-22; Cambrai, 
226-7; Conde, 206-8; description 
of a typical, 142-53; Dunkirk, 
251-75; Etampes, 65-76; French 
methods of carrying on, 151-3; 
Landrecies, 200-1; Ligny, 117-23; 
Mardyck, 239-46; Montmedy, 
228-30; Mousson, 142-53; Oude- 
narde, 279; regimental honours 
during, 144, 211; Rethel, 129; St. 
Guislain, 2 1 o-i i ; Sainte-M&iehould, 
123-4, 154-5; St. Venant, 230, 237; 
Stenay, 157, 163-4; Ypres, 279. See 
also Battles 

Sirot, Gen., 60 

Slaughter, Capt., 264, 273 

Smith, Alexander, 54 

Solis, Don Fernando de, 167, 168, 175 

Somme River, 1 3 2-42 

Spanish Army: Turenne outwits, 98-9; 
returns to Flanders, 99; Turenne's 
strategy against, 1 302; faces Turenne 
along Somme in stalemate, 134-9; 
scrupulous observance of formalities, 
168, 231, 234-5; Conde* opposes post 
on Haisne River, 2034; James's 
reluctance to serve with, 222; siestas 
of, 231; self flattery of, 234; reluc 
tance to move without orders, 2412 

Stanley, Edward, 286 

Stenay, 157, 163-4 

Stroad (or Stroud), Capt., 271 

Stuart, James Francis Edward ('Old 
Pretender'), 21, 22, 25, 27 

Sully, Duke of, 60 

Swallowed message incident, 163 



Talbot, Richard, 245 
Tarante, Prince de, 94 
Tavannes, Comte de, 64 

THE SELECT KNOTT, 282-3 

Thoreau, Henry D., 14 
Titus, Mr., 283, 285, 286 
Tiry, Capt., 107 

Toledo y Portugal, Don J. de, 273 
Tourville (officer), 233 
Townshend, Sir Horatio, 281 
Tracy, Marquis de, 76, 178, 188, 201 
Tre*moille. See Tarante, Prince de 



INDEX 



Trenches, building o 152-3 

Trevelyan, G. M., quoted, 3 

Trigomar, Mr., 172 

Turenne, Henri, Vicomte de: relation- 
sliip with James, 5-6, 53; James 
asked to write memoirs of, 15, 52-3; 
life of, 38-9; memoirs of, 45; evades 
defeat at Bleneau, 60-3; profits from 
enemy's divided command, 64; 
success at Etampes, 65-71; blockade 
of Etampes, 71-6; use of colours to 
hearten troops, 74; negotiates with 
Lorraine, 77-81; bridges Seine, 
83-4; ordered to fight against own 
judgement, 85-6; and battle of Porte 
St. Antoine, 85-94; relationship with 
court, 86; opposes withdrawal to 
Lyons, 98; plan to outwit Spaniards by 
moving court to Pontoise, 98-9; dis 
trusts Lorraine's abiding by treaty, 
100 i; in cul-de-sac between Seine 
and Yerre, 103; eyesight poor, 104; 
foraging methods of, 105-6, 212-15; 
surprise retreat to Corbeil, 108-10; 
urges court return to Paris, uo-ii; 
vain subordinate refuses help from, 
victory lost, 1 1 3-1 5; La Ferte furious 
with for entering St. Michel, 116-17; 
La Ferte forces to delay at Vaube- 
court, 120 i ; enters winter quarters, 
127; maps strategy against Spaniards, 
1312; faces Spanish Army near 
Somme, stalemated, 134-9; besieges 
Mousson, 142-53; siege methods of, 
151-2; relieves Arras, 156-90; 
hazards self in close inspection of 
enemy lines, 167-8; exhortations to 
officers before battle, 171; stumbles 
on to enemy's lines at night, 175; and 
Condi's mutual knowledge of each 
other, 1 8 6; employment of subor 
dinate generals, 191-2; anger with 
Conde* over false retreat report, 
209-10; advises James remain in 
France, 222; raises siege of Cambrai, 
227; watches movements of Spanish, 
228-30; besieges St. Venant, 230, 
237; refuses troops for rash English 



mission, 233; relieves Ardres, 237; 
takes Conde, 253; at Battle of the 
Dunes, ^ 25 8-62, 267, 274, 275; 
King's illness forces abandon siege, 
276; takes Ypres and Oudenarde, 279; 
offers troops and money to Charles, 
287-9 

U 
Uxelles, Marquis d', 88-9, 92 

v 

Valon, Comte de, 64 

Yange (officer), 66, 69 

Yarenne, M. de, 79, 80, 135, 211, 277 

Yaubecourt, M. de, 81, 120-1 

Yautourneux, M. de, 145, 206-7 

Yendome, Frangois de. See Beaufort, 

Ducde 

Yervins, 1267 
Yictor, Lt, 270 
Yillars, Edward, 282 
Yilleneuue, M., 267 
Yilleneuve-Saint-Georges, 78-82, 102 
Yilleroy, M. de, 202 
Yxelles, M. d 5 , 154, 206 

w 

Wall, Robert, 82 

Waller, Sir William, 281 

White, Col., 246 

Whytford, Charles, 54 

William III of England, 4, 10-11 

William of Orange. See William III 

Willis, Sir Richard, 282-3, 285 

Wirtemberg, Duke of, 99, 100, 107, 174 

Woerden (or Worden), Col, 58, 94 

Wolfe, Col., 143, 148 



Yerre River, 103, 104 

York, Duke of. See James II, King of 

England 
Ypres, 279 

z 

Zuniga, Luis de, 273 



301 



With the publication of The Memoirs of 
James II, it becomes possible for the first time to 
check the accuracy of historical works about 
this important period of English history. 

In his : production Sir Arthur Bryant pre 
sents an illuminating ,:f? of King James II. The 
translator, A. Lytton bells, Professor of French 
and Italian at Indiana University, adds a 
detailed commentary on the manuscript, its 
history and significance. Finally, there is a pre 
face by David Randall and Percy Muir, the 
rare book experts who unearthed the manu 
script, who relate the fascinating circumstances 
of its discovery. Illustrated with eight half-tones and 
four maps. 



INDIANA UNlVEPoIIY PRESS / 



Printed in Great Britain